THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

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agesilaos
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THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

Post by agesilaos »

One of the codicils to the Battle of Issos was Parmenion’s capture of the Persian baggage at Damascus, Curtius III 13ff is the most extensive treatment of the incident, which immediately begs the question; how trustworthy was his source? We shall not prejudge this question but see how the story’s details hang together.

No source mentions when Dareios sent his baggage away but logic would dictate that it would be after he had decided to move north. Supporting evidence is wholly circumstantial but Curtius’ tone seems to imply that the baggage had only just arrived at Damascus; it would be incongruous to declare a town indefensible after a prolonged stay.

Damascus lies 200 miles from Sochoi so, at fifteen miles a day it would take thirteen days for the baggage to reach there. If we assume that it was the movement of Dareios’ baggage that fooled Alexander into thinking that the Persians were assaulting from the South through the Assyrian Gates then it will have moved six days before the battle. Any later and there would be no Macedonian scouts to see it, earlier is possible, but it must have been far enough away to make immediate capture impossible. Ninety miles seems about right.

Parmenion would not have set off in pursuit at once; the Thessalians having just fought a hard battle would need time to recuperate and intelligence would have to be gathered regarding the destination of the baggage.

There are two useful statements in Curtius namely that a Mardian captured with a letter of submission for Alexander was captured and escaped within a day’s ride of Damascus since his capture and escape to Damascus take place on the same day/night period, also following his flight Parmenion takes three days to intercept the column.

Parmenion was accompanied by a cavalry force of moderate size. Such forces can achieve a rate of 45 miles a day so he must have been about 135 miles from Damascus when the Mardian was captured. A single man on a horse could cover that distance in eight hours or so (an average speed of seventeen miles an hour). Since Damascus is 200 miles from Sochoi but further from Issos another day or so. Thus Parmenion would have been three days on the road when he encountered the Mardian. Allowing a day’s rest would mean that the final interception took place before the Persians reached Damascus! A delay of two days fits nicely with the story’s chronology. This also shows that Parmenion’s pursuit was at full speed and not some over cautious advance as implied by Curtius, who has him worrying about the paucity of his force.

Having found Curtius’ chronology plausible, we can further test the likelihood of his accuracy with reference to the alleged size of the baggage train and the weight of booty captured. This section is going to be heavy on numbers and maths, so be warned.

Drawing on the experience of the British Army Engel’s, ‘Logistics’, an average burden for pack animals as 250lbs and for a man as 80lbs. The animals need 10lbs of grain and 10lbs of fodder each day, water we shall assume would be accessed from local watercourses and the availability of forage would have to be considered. The men need 3lbs of grain each day and 5lbs of water, which they can be assumed to carry and replenish each day so that the weight of water carried remains 5lbs no matter how long the march (this would not be the case of desert marches).

Since only a fool sets out with the bare minimum of supplies for a march we shall assume an allowance for fifteen days rather than the thirteen a 200-mile march should take.

Over 15 days each animal would consume 150lbs of grain reducing its carrying capacity to 100lbs. It follows that they could not then take their own fodder as that would require 50lbs more than their capacity. There do not appear to have been any major settlements on the inland route taken by the baggage column but the local peasantry would have stored fodder upon which the Royal troops must have drawn. We can be sure of these peasant’s existence since Parmenion later uses them as guides.

The porters or ’gangabai’ must reserve 45lbs for their rations and 5lbs for water leaving 30lbs capacity.

7,000 animals were reported captured, so 700,000lbs capacity and 30,000 porters yield a further 900,000.

The reported booty amounts to 3,100 Talents, which translates as 176,365lbs, which this column would require 1,737 animals to carry. Further, it is clear that the force would need tents, mills and other non-comestible essentials, Curtius also mentions textiles for which no weight is given. Following Engel’s estimate of one animal per 50 men for there would be 600 fewer animals carrying rations. So we must deduct another 150,000lbs. This means that there is a residual capacity of 2,130,750lbs.

This is the possible number of additional rations, which for seven days would support 101,465 infantry.

But things are not so simple, and as soon as I find my notes I will post the even more numerically dense Part II. :shock:
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agesilaos
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

Post by agesilaos »

Things are never that simple; for the Royal Army one must factor in servants and camp followers. It may be objected that Dareios would have left such dead weight behind to expedite his march but Curtius III 11 xxi clearly states that there were women in the camp and, given that the wives of the senior officers were sent to Damascus, these must be more lowly dependants.

To burden the Persians with a massive tail of such people would be unreasonable given that, in this campaign at least they were as swift in their movements as Alexander was in his. So, for the purposes of this analysis we shall assume the same proportion of servants and camp followers in each army. Following Engels this works out at one servant for each cavalryman or ten infantry and a camp follower for each four combatants; these are necessarily random guesses but the numbers for servants follows Philip's orders and the camp followers a best case assumption.

To arrive at the number of porters or pack animals needed to keep a force in the field we therefore have to factor in not just the additional personnel but also the additional animals required to carry the non-human portable impedimenta. The resulting figures are given below, where the columns are based on the following criteria;

A) 100 frontline infantry carrying grain only
B) 100 frontline infantry carrying grain and fodder
C) 100 cavalry carrying grain only
D) 100 cavalry carrying grain and fodder
E) 100 cavalry with two remounts carrying grain only
F) 100 cavalry with two remounts carrying grain and fodder
The provision for carrying water being as assumed above, the men carry one day’s worth each day, the animals watering en route.(Bugger the tables have not reproduced but are decipherable if you want to try; or you could just trust me)

ANIMALS
DAYS A B C D E F
1 4.58 4.87 28.42 34.04 36.75 51.48
2 6.63 7.45 37.02 50.26 54.41 88.36
3 8.82 10.58 46.41 69.84 73.68 133.00
4 11.26 14.44 56.69 94.02 94.79 188.15
5 13.85 19.33 68.00 124.67 118.00 258.00
6 16.82 25.73 80.50 172.71 143.66 349.35
7 20.11 34.45 94.39 219.36 172.17
8 23.79 47.06 109.91 298.28 204.03
9 27.94 66.86 127.38 239.88
10 32.63 102.50 147.17 280.50
11 38.00 185.67 169.19
12 44.19 601.50 195.88
13 51.42 226.33
14 59.95
15 70.20

PORTERS
DAYS A B C D E F
1 15.28 15.56 94.72 108.89 122.50 164.44
2 22.10 22.68 123.41 152.97 181.38 268.91
3 29.39 30.45 154.70 201.06 245.61 382.89
4 37.54 38.97 188.97 253.73 315.95 507.70
5 46.17 48.33 226.67 311.67 393.33 645.00
6 56.05 58.68 268.33 375.70 478.86 796.75
7 67.04 70.19 314.63 446.85 573.89 965.37
8 79.31 83.04 366.37 526.37 680.10
9 93.13 97.50 424.37 615.83 799.58
10 108.78 113.89 490.56 717.22 935.00
11 126.67 132.62 565.95 833.10 1089.76
12 147.31 154.23 652.95 966.79
13 171.39 179.44 754.44
14 199.85 209.24 1307.12
15 234.00 245.00


Working back from our estimate of Dareios forces that could cross the Amanic Gates; 12,000 hoplites, 24,000 Kardaka and 6,000 cavalry we find that a four day march, Sochoi to Issos would require 7,456 animals or 24,853 porters. Assuming the army was equipped for five-day marches and using columns A and C (the passage of the ‘gaza’ train to Damascus indicates the availability of forage the lack of remounts is fudge based on the fact that the Persians were playing at home, so to speak). The army requires;
360 X 13.85 animals or 46.17 porters = 4986/16,622 for the infantry and

60 X 94.39 and 60 X 314.63 = 5,664/18,878

10,650animals or 35,500 porters subtracting the 7,000 animals and 30,000 allegedly captured porters would not leave enough train to support the army. Given the excessive spare capacity of the ‘gaza’ column we might be better assuming these totals were the original support echelon of the army: then eliminating this slack from the column;

1,737 animals are required to transport the ‘gaza’ to Damascus which would leave 5,263 for the army which would carry enough supplies for 9,200 cavalry for four days, the 3,200 ‘spare’ cavalry translate as an additional 10,000 infantry; 30,000 porters support a further 79,900 yielding c.90,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry, which fits with the figures we computed for the numbers that could pass the Amanic Gates.

Aside from confirming Engel’s mathematical assumptions it indicates that Curtius is following a sound source, presumably Ptolemy. The slightest of hints that Arrian’s Alexandrocentricity is not entirely due to Ptolemy and Aristoboulos.
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

Post by Paralus »

The mathematics are marvellous but, given there are no wagons, clearly inaccurate!!
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Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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agesilaos
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

Post by agesilaos »

Always with the wagons, already! Quite right though, the maths does make it seem more precise than one would like. I wonder just how much more efficient wagons would be; Engels make use of the argument that the throat halter of ancient times was so inefficient that there was no advantage to wagons, other than drwing things too heavy to be carried other than by a team. I think there has been doubt cast upon this but lacking access to the numbers...I recall some ass saying that the Ancient Britons could not have used chariots because of the halter arrangement would have throttled the ponies, this despite overwhelming evidence that they did.

Assuming no significant advantage we would just end up swapping types of portage without really affecting the numbers; open, as ever, to newer research. :lol:
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

Post by Paralus »

agesilaos wrote:Always with the wagons, already!
Ha!

They're "mother beautiful wagons". Don't hit me with those negative waves so early in the morning (it being 0:58 here)...
agesilaos wrote:I recall some ass saying that the Ancient Britons could not have used chariots because of the halter arrangement would have throttled the ponies, this despite overwhelming evidence that they did.

Assuming no significant advantage we would just end up swapping types of portage without really affecting the numbers; open, as ever, to newer research. :lol:
Yeah: it's crap. There's a paper somewhere on this but 1) I can't remember its name or author and 2) I'm in the "giving birth to a pineapple" throes of a piece on the politics of Achaea, Macedon, Aetolia and Sparta as well as the battle it occaisioned (Sellasia). Always with those footnotes Moriarty....
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Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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agesilaos
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

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If I was not Agesilaos I would have been Kleomenes III! Is this a public domain piece? :?:
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

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agesilaos wrote:If I was not Agesilaos I would have been Kleomenes III! Is this a public domain piece? :?:
It's one of those accessible via academic libraries (online or print) - though the periodical's website has been in "maintainence mode" since Christmas. This would lead me to wonder if not for a search for some material on the ACU library website that turned up several citations for the periodical concerned and the fact that the Uni is subscribed to it.

In any case, I was at the 2,400 word stage of 3,000 until last when I rewrote that down to 1,826. I find I argue with myself more than I do others. Given posts on this site that might indicate a problem...

You might be interested on the take on Kleomenes. Give me a few more days and I'll send you a draft. Suffice to say that Polybius - marvelous and indispensible source that he is - can be rather rabid where his hero Aratus is concerned. That's before we get to states that might not totally agree with the thoroughly altruistic Acahean League.
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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agesilaos
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

Post by agesilaos »

Absolutely, Polybios hates Phylarchos, who admires Kleomenes probably because he admires Kleomenes; Plutarch provides a slight corrective. After Mantinea it is as if Sparta changes from a showy frontcrawl to a labourious breast stroke, only occaisionally breaking the surface of history. After Nabis it's like they got bored and left the pool :lol:

Would love to read a draft and there is nothing wrong with arguing with yourself; you are meant to show your workings. This is where flawed thinking exposes itself like a South African refereeing the front row, (Whinging Pomme tirade deleted). I still have not laid my hands on Devine's paper btw, 'decorating' plays havoc with by Holmesian filing system.
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Re: THE ROAD TO DAMASCUS

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agesilaos wrote:Absolutely, Polybios hates Phylarchos, who admires Kleomenes probably because he admires Kleomenes; Plutarch provides a slight corrective.
Yes Polybios is quite virulent when it comes to the Laconophile historian. Plutarch - as is well known - "preserves" goodly bits of Phylarchus but it is where he provides a correction to Polybios on matters of generally agreed fact between them that things become interesting.

Phylarchus sees the world through Lacedaeomonian glasses whereas Polybios through the prism of the politics of the Achaean League. The truth is, of course, somewhere in between. The near excrutiating descriptions by Polybios of his hero Aratus in relation to the alliance with Doson are telling: Megalapolitan dupes as go betweens who acheive nothing for their city and secret negotiations are just a part of the fun.
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Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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