References to Hephaestion in the sources
Cornelius Nepos - Life of Eumenes
II After the death of Alexander at Babylon, when kingdoms were allotted to each of his friends, and the superintendence of affairs was committed to the hands of Perdiccas, to whom Alexander, when dying, had given his ring (a circumstance from which ever one conjectured that Alexander had entrusted his kingdom to him, until his children should come of age to take the government upon themselves; for Craterus and Antipater, who seemed to have the precedence of him, were absent, and Hephaestion, for whom Alexander, as might easily be perceived, had had the highest esteem, was dead), at that time Cappadocia was given to Eumenes, or rather appointed for him, for it was then in the power of the enemy. Perdiccas had sought with great eagerness to attach Eumenes to him, for he saw in him great honour and ability, and did not doubt that if he could gain him over to his side, he would be of great assistance to him in the projects which he was meditating, since he purported (what all in great power generally covet) to seize and secure for himself the shares of all the rest. Nor did he alone, indeed, entertain such designs, but all the others, who had been friends of Alexander, formed similar intentions Leonnatus, in the first place, had resolved to seize upon Macedonia, and had endeavoured, by liberal promises, to prevail upon Eumenes to desert Perdiccas, and form an alliance with himself. Being unable to make any impression upon him, he attempted to take his life, and would have effected his purpose, had he not secretly escaped from his guards by night.
Diogenes of Sinope
Letter 24 If you want to be kalos kagathos [beautiful and good], throw away the rag you have on your head and come to us. But you won't be able to, for you are ruled by Hephaestion's thighs.
Diogenes Laertius
IV.2.14 Xenocrates. (396-314 B.C.) (Head of the Academy 339-314 B.C.) (From the list of Xenocrates’ writings.)
Elementary Principles of Monarchy, in four books, dedicated to Alexander.
To Arybas.
To Hephaestion.*
V.1.27 Aristotle. (384-322 B.C.) (From the list of Aristotle’s writings.)
Constitutions of 158 Cities, in general and in particular, democratic, oligarchic, aristocratic, tyrannical.
Letters to Philip.
Letters of Selymbrians.
Letters to Alexander, four books.
Letters to Antipater, nine books.
To Mentor, one book.
To Ariston, one book.
To Olympias, one book.
To Hephaestion, one book.
Epictetus
Vol 1 II.XXII.17-18 When, for instance, we think that the gods stand in the way of our attainment of this, we revile even them, cast their statues to the ground, and burn their temples, as Alexander ordered the temples of Asclepius to be burned when his loved one died.
Plutarch, Life of Eumenes
I But they seem to speak more probably who tell us that Philip advanced Eumenes for the friendship he bore to his father, whose guest he had sometime been. After the death of Philip, he continued in the service of Alexander, with the title of his principal secretary, but in as great favour as the most intimate of his familiars, being esteemed as wise and faithful as any person about him, so that he went with troops under his immediate command as general in the expedition against India, and succeeded to the post of Perdiccas, when Perdiccas was advanced to that of Hephaestion, then newly deceased…
Notwithstanding, he frequently incurred Alexander's displeasure, and put himself into some danger, through Hephaestion. The quarters that had been taken up for Eumenes, Hephaestion assigned to Evius, the flute-player. Upon which, in great anger, Eumenes and Mentor came to Alexander and loudly complained, saying that the way to be regarded was to throw away their arms and turn flute-players or tragedians; so much so that Alexander took their part and chid Hephaestion; but soon after changed his mind again, and was angry with Eumenes, and accounted the freedom he had taken to be rather an affront to the king than a reflection upon Hephaestion. Afterwards, when Nearchus, with a fleet, was to be sent to the Southern Sea, Alexander borrowed money of his friends, his own treasury being exhausted, and would have had three hundred talents of Eumenes, but he sent a hundred only…
Another difference happened between him and Hephaestion concerning a gift, and a great deal of ill language passed between them, yet Eumenes still continued in favour. But Hephaestion dying soon after, the king, in his grief, presuming all those that differed with Hephaestion in his lifetime were now rejoicing at his death, showed much harshness and severity in his behaviour with them, especially towards Eumenes, whom he often upbraided with his quarrels and ill language to Hephaestion. But he, being a wise and dexterous courtier, made advantage of what had done him prejudice, and struck in with the king's passion for glorifying his friend's memory, suggesting various plans to do him honour, and contributing largely and readily towards erecting his monument …
Plutarch, Life of Pelopidas
XXXIV Alexander the Great, at the death of Hephaestion, not only cut off the manes of his horses and his mules, but took down the battlements from the city walls, that even the towns might seem mourners, and instead of their former beauteous appearance, look bald at his funeral. But such honours, being commanded and forced from the mourners, attended with feelings of jealousy towards those who received them, and of hatred towards those who exacted them, were no testimonies of love and respect, but of the barbaric pride, luxury, and insolence of those who lavished their wealth in these vain and undesirable displays.
Plutarch, On the Fortune of Alexander
I.11 When he saw Darius pierced through by javelins, he did not offer sacrifice nor raise the paean to indicate that the long war had come to an end; but he took off his own cloak and threw it over the corpse as though to conceal the divine retribution that waits upon the lot of kings. "Like a philosopher!" Once when he was reading a confidential letter from his mother, and Hephaestion, who, as it happened, was sitting beside him, was quite openly reading it too, Alexander did not stop him, but merely placed his own signet-ring on Hephaestion's lips, sealing them to silence with a friend's confidence. "Like a philosopher!" For if these actions be not those of a philosopher, what others are?
II.4 This, then, it is likely that Alexander himself meant when he rebuked Hephaestion for quarrelling with Craterus: ‘What,’ said he, ‘will be your power and your achievements if someone deprive you of Alexander?
II.7 Craterus brought Antigona herself secretly to Alexander, who did not touch her person, but restrained himself and, working secretly through her, he discovered the whole of Philotas's plans. And for a period of more than seven years Alexander never revealed his suspicion; not in his cups, the reputed drunkard! not in anger, this man of fiery temper! not to a friend, this man who trusted Hephaestion in everything and shared everything with him! In fact it is recorded that once, when he had broken the seal of a confidential letter from his mother and was reading it silently to himself, Hephaestion quietly put his head beside Alexander's and read the letter with him; Alexander could not bear to stop him, but took off his ring and placed the seal on Hephaestion's lips.;
Plutarch, Moralia
180 D.14 As he was reading a letter from his mother, which contained secret slanders against Antipater, Hephaestion, as usual, was reading it with him. Alexander did not prevent Hephaestion from reading it, but, when he had finished the reading, he took off his ring, and placed the seal on Hephaestion’s lips.
180 D.29 Of his foremost and most influential friends he seems to have honoured Craterus most, and to have loved Hephaestion best. “For,” said he, “Craterus is fond of the king, but Hephaestion is fond of Alexander.
Valerius Maxiumus
IV.7.2A Of Friendship That this is so king Alexander realized. Having possessed himself of Darius’ camp, in which were all those close to him, he went to console them, his favourite Hephaestion bearing him company. At his coming the mother of Darius revived, raised her prostrate head from the ground and saluted Hephaestion with homage in the Persian fashion, taking him for Alexander because in stature and appearance he had the advantage. Advised of her mistake, she cast about in the utmost trepidation for words of apology. “You have no need,” said Alexander. “Which of the two are we to congratulate first? Him who had the will to say this or him who had the good fortune to hear it? The magnanimous monarch, who had already embraced the entire globe by his victories or expectation, in so few words shared himself with his companion. Oh gift of famous utterance, honourable to the giver as to the receiver!
Lucian
Slander 1.17-19 In the court of Alexander it was once the greatest of all slanderous charges to say that a man did not worship Hephaestion or even make obeisance to him – for after the death of Hephaestion, Alexander for the love he bore him determined to add to his other great feats that of appointing the dead man a god. So the cities at once erected temples; plots of ground were consecrated; altars, sacrifices and feasts were established in honour of this new god, and everybody’s strongest oath was “By Hephaestion.” If anyone smiled at what went on or failed to seem quite reverent, the penalty prescribed was death. The flatterers, taking hold of this childish passion of Alexander’s, at once began to feed it and fan it into flame by telling about dreams of Hephaestion, in that way ascribing to him visitations and cures and accrediting him with prophecies; and at last they began to sacrifice to him as “Coadjutor” and “Saviour.” Alexander like to hear all this, and at length believed it, and was very proud of himself for being, as he thought, not only the son of a god but also able to make gods. Well, how many of Alexander’s friends do you suppose, reaped the results of Hephaestion’s divinity during that period, through being accused of not honouring the universal god, and consequently being banished and deprived of the king’s favor? It was then that Agathocles of Samos, one of Alexander’s captains whom he esteemed highly, came near being shut up in a lion’s den because he was charged with having wept as he went by the tomb of Hephaestion. But Perdiccas is said to have come to his rescue, swearing by all the gods and by Hephaestion to boot that while he was hunting the god had appeared to him in the flesh and had bidden him tell Alexander to spare Agathocles, saying that he had not wept from want of faith or because he thought Hephaestion dead, but only because he had been put in mind of their old-time friendship.
As you see, flattery and slander were most likely to find an opening when they were framed with reference to Alexander’s weak point. In a siege the enemy do not attack the high, sheer and secure parts of the wall, but wherever they notice that any portion is unguarded, unsound or low, they move all their forces against that place because they can very easily get in there and take the city. Just so with slanderers: they assail whatever part of the soul they perceive to be weak, unsound and easy of access, bringing their siege-engines to bear on it and finally capturing it, as no one opposes them or notices their assault. Then, when they are one within the walls, they fire everything and smite and slay and banish; for all these things are likely to happen when the soul is captured and put in bondage.
Herodotus, on Aetion
VI.4-6 But why need I mention those old sophists, historians, and chroniclers when there is the recent story of Aetion the painter who showed off his picture of The Marriage of Roxana and Alexander at Olympia? Proxenides, one of the chief judges there at that time, was delighted with his talent and made Aetion his son-in-law.
You may well wonder at the quality of his work that induced a chief judge of the games to give his daughter in marriage to a stranger like Aetion. The picture is actually in Italy; I have seen it myself and can describe it to you. The scene is a very beautiful chamber, and in it there is a bridal couch with Roxana, a very lovely maiden, sitting upon it, her eyes cast down in modesty, for Alexander is standing there. There are smiling Cupids: one is standing behind her removing the veil from her head and showing Roxana to her husband; another like a true servant is taking the sandal off her foot, already preparing her for bed; a third Cupid has hold of Alexander’s cloak and is pulling him with all his might towards Roxana. The king himself is holding out a garland to the maiden and their best man and helper, Hephaestion, is there with a blazing torch in his hand, leaning on a very handsome youth – I think he is Hymenaeus* (his name is not inscribed). On the other side of the picture are more Cupids playing among Alexander’s armour; two of them are carrying his spear, pretending to be labourers burdened under a beam; two others are dragging a third, their king no doubt, on the shield, holding it by the handgrips; another has gone inside the corslet, which is lying breast-up on the ground – he seems to be lying in ambush to frighten the others when they drag the shield past him.
All this is not needless triviality and a waste of labour. Aetion is calling attention to Alexander’s other love – War –, implying that in his love of Roxana he did not forget his armour. A further point about the picture itself is that it had a real matrimonial significance for quite a different sort – it courted Proxenides’ daughter for Aetion! So as a by-product of his Alexander’s Wedding he came away with a wife himself and the King for best-man. His reward for his marriage of the imagination was a real-life marriage of his own.
Herodotus, A slip of the tongue in greeting
VI.6-11 What does the writer of that drinking-song which Plato mentions say? “Good health is best, then good looks, third wealth,” and he never mentions joy at all. I need hardly mention that most familiar piece of all which everybody quotes. “I’d live with thee, O Health, chief of the gods Through all the mortal life that’s left to me.” Then if health is the chief of the gods, her work – the enjoyment of good health – is to be preferred to other blessings .
I could show you thousands of other passages in the poets and historians and philosophers which put health first, but I shall beg to be excused, or my writing will be guilty of the bad taste of an adolescent, and only knock one nail out with another. But a few things from ancient history I remember are to the point, and I may as well add them for you.
Just before that Battle of Issus, as Eumenes of Cardia says in his letter to Antipater, Hephaestion came early into Alexander’s tent. He blundered or was confused (as I was) or was driven to it by some god when he gave my greeting: “Health to you, king,” he said, “it is already time to set the battle line.” The others present were upset by the strange address, and Hephaestion almost died for shame. But Alexander said, “I accept the omen. It has now promised us a safe return from the battle.
When Antiochus Soter was about to engage the Galatians, he dreamed he saw Alexander standing by him, who told him to give the army the password “Health” before the battle, and under that word he won his amazing victory..
Ptolemy, the son of Lagos, when writing to Seleucus clearly reversed the usual order by putting “Health to you” at the beginning of his letter, and at the end “Joy to you” instead of wishing him strength. Dionysodorus who collected his letters tells us this.
Then Pyrrhus of Epirus also is worthy of mention. As a general he was second only to Alexander and endured a myriad changes of fortune. In all his prayers to the gods and sacrifices and offerings he never asked them for victory or increased kingly dignity or glory or excessive wealth; his prayer was for this thing alone – good health; he was sure that if he had this he would easily get all the rest. I think he was right when he considered that all the blessings in the world are worth nothing when health is the one thing he hasn’t got.
Herodotus, Dialogues of the Dead
VII.12-14 Philip: I know all that; I was told by Clitus, whom you killed at dinner, by running him through with a spear, because he dared to praise me rather than your achievements. Furthermore, you discarded the Macedonian cloak, they tell me, for a Median doublet, and took to a tiara worn upright on your head, and expected Macedonians, free men, to bow down before you. And, most ridiculous thing of all, you aped the habits of your defeated foes! I won’t mention your other activities – how you locked up educated* men along with lions, all your weddings, and your inordinate affection for Hephaestion. I’ve only heard of one thing I can praise; you kept your attentions away from Darius’ beautiful queen, and looked after his mother and his daughters. That was conduct befitting a king.
Pliny
Natural History, XXXIV.61-65 The same sculptor (Lysippus) did Alexander the Great’s friend Hephaestion, a statue which some people ascribe to Polycleitus, although his date is about a hundred years earlier; and also Alexander’s Hunt, dedicated at Delphi, a Satyr now at Athens, and Alexander’s Squadron of Horse, in which the sculptor introduced portraits of Alexander’s friends consummately lifelike in every case.
Polyaenus
Stratagems of War 4.2.27 After Alexander had defeated Darius at the battle of Arbela, Phrasaortes a relation of that monarch in great force posted himself at the gates of Susa; which is a narrow pass between high and steep mountains. This the Macedonians in vain endeavoured to force: the barbarians easily defended it; annoying the enemy with arrows, slings, and stones. Alexander ordered a retreat, and encamped about thirty furlongs distant. The oracle at Delphos had formerly declared, that a Lycian stranger should be his guide against the Persians. A herdsman came up to Alexander, in his rustic dress, saying, his name was Lycius; and informed him, there was a private road, which winded round the mountains, covered with wood, and known to no one but himself; and well known to him, as affording excellent pasturage. Alexander remembered the oracle, and listened to the herdsman’s information. He then ordered the whole army to remain in camp, and light a number of fires in such conspicuous places, as might be best seen by the Persians: and gave private orders to Philotas and Hephaestion, as soon as they saw the Macedonians show themselves on the mountains, to attack the enemy below. Himself with his guards, one heavy-armed troop, and all the Scythian archers, conducted by Lycius, marched eighty furlongs through the private road; and halted in the middle of a thick wood. About midnight by a circuitous march he gained a position a little above the enemy; who were then buried in sleep: and in the morning sounded the charge from the top of the mountains. Hephaestion and Philotas immediately marched out of the camp, and advanced against them on the plain: who, thus attacked both above and below, were part of them cut to pieces, some thrown from the precipices, and others taken prisoner.
4.3.31 The country of the Cossaeans Alexander found rough and uncultivated, the mountains high and almost inaccessible, the posts defended by a numerous and resolute body of men: he had therefore little hopes of making himself master of it. At that time he received information of the death of Hephaestion, who died at Babylon: in consequence of which he ordered a general mourning; and put the army in motion, in order to celebrate his funeral. The Cossaean scouts seeing that, and supposing them going to evacuate the country, reported the motions of the Macedonian army; and the Cossaeans began to disband. Alexander, having received intelligence of the error, into which his movement had betrayed the enemy, detached a body of horse to secure the posts on the mountains: then wheeling round he joined the detachment of cavalry, and completed the conquest of the country. This circumstance, it was said, arising from Hephaestion’s death, consoled Alexander for the loss of his friend.
Suidas
Aristion And Aristion likewise. He is a Samian or Plataian, and, since a lad, a companion of Demosthenes; he was sent by him to Hephaistion for negotiations. Hyper[e]ides mentions him in the [speech] Against Demosthenes.
Aeschines
Against Ctesiphon 3.162 For, as the people of the Paralus say, and those who have been ambassadors to Alexander—and the story is sufficiently credible—there is one Aristion, a man of Plataean status, son of Aristobulus the apothecary, known perhaps to some of you. This young man, distinguished for extraordinary beauty of person, once lived a long time in Demosthenes' house (what he used to do there or what was done to him, is a scandal that is in dispute, and the story is one that would be quite improper for me to repeat). Now I am told that this Aristion, his origin and personal history being unknown to the king, is worming himself into favour with Alexander and getting access to him. Through him Demosthenes has sent a letter to Alexander, and has secured a certain degree of immunity for himself, and reconciliation; and he has carried his flattery to great lengths.
Hyperides
Against Demosthenes 5.4 You have contrived this situation by means of your decree, because you arrested Harpalus. You have induced the whole of Greece to send envoys to Alexander, since they have no other recourse, and have prevented all the satraps, who by themselves would willingly have joined forces with us, each with money and all the troops at his disposal, not merely from revolting from him, by your detention of Harpalus, but also . . . each of them . . . . . sent by Demosthenes,1 and with Olympias Callias the Chalcidian, the brother of Taurosthenes. For these men were made Athenian citizens on the motion of Demosthenes and they are his special agents.
(1) Sauppe suspected that the man here referred to was Aristion of Samos, a friend of Demosthenes who, according to Harpocration, was mentioned in this speech and was sent by Demosthenes to Hephaestion in order to reach an understanding with him.
Compiled by Amyntoros and Marcus