Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

This moderated forum is for discussion of Alexander the Great. Inappropriate posts will be deleted without warning. Examples of inappropriate posts are:
* The Greek/Macedonian debate
* Blatant requests for pre-written assignments by lazy students - we don't mind the subtle ones ;-)
* Foul or inappropriate language

Moderator: pothos moderators

User avatar
Xenophon
Hetairos (companion)
Posts: 847
Joined: Fri Jul 03, 2009 3:16 am

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Xenophon »

agesilaos wrote:'chiliarchos' lads, chiliarchon is the accusative the custom is to use the nominative of the source language or to anglicise the commonest endings are -os, -e, -on, -is, ia, which become -oi, -ai, -a, -eis,-iai when plural. But then some words have their own quirks so pais becomes paides rather than pa-eis! If in doubt anglicise, this is not just pedantry, it stops any professional classicist, like Waldemar Heckel or Alexander Meeus, who do look at the site immediately thinking less of us.........
I'd agree entirely, "one must keep up standards" as the saying has it. Fortunately we have you to keep us on the straight and narrow. We don't want non-classical scholars like me showing up our ignorance of correct Greek ! :D

Compliments of the Season to all Pothosians!!
User avatar
Paralus
Chiliarch
Posts: 2875
Joined: Mon Sep 26, 2005 8:13 am
Location: Sydney, Australia
Contact:

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Paralus »

I'm incapable of any standards today: 'zombiefied' in front of the cricket.
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

Academia.edu
User avatar
Xenophon
Hetairos (companion)
Posts: 847
Joined: Fri Jul 03, 2009 3:16 am

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Xenophon »

Agesilaos wrote:
Perhaps I should summarise the facts
1) Curtius says that the Macedonian army had not been divided into units of 1,000 before 330 and had previously only had units of 500.
2) Arrian names a chiliarch prior to 330, Addaios at Halikarnassos. Pentekosiarchs occur only at VII 29 vi, where they accompany the chiliarchs in waiting outside the hall where Alexander lies dying.
3) The first mention of a chiliarchy in Arrian is III 29 vii, where Ptolemy takes, ‘three hipparchia of Companion Cavalry, all the mounted javelinmen and of the foot, the unit (taxis) of Philotas, one chiliarchy of Hypaspists, all the Agrianes and half the archers with orders to proceed by forced marches to Spitamenes and Dataphernes.’ In order to arrest Bessos. This is after 330.
4) Curtius names eight chiliarchs.
5) Arrian names only Niarchos and Antiochos (IV 30 vi); neither name is on Curtius’ list.
6) Arrian III 16 xi, describes the allocation of foot reinforcements ‘kata ethne’ and the introduction of lochoi into the Companion cavalry two per ile and states that the lochagoi were appointed from ‘ …men distinguished for courage among the Companions.’
7) Curtius reforms are of the infantry (V 2 iii-vii) and take place in a slightly different location, but the new appointees are also chosen for their valour.
8 )The reinforcements amounted to 6,000 Macedonian foot, and 500 horse, 3,500 Thracian foot and 600 horse, 4,000 mercenary Peloponnesian foot and 380 horse, according to Curtius, Diodoros (XVII 65 I ) specifies the Thracian foot as Trallians, makes the Greek cavalry rather less than 1,000 and adds fifty Paides.
A useful summary of the actual evidence, and as can be seen, when it comes down to it there isn’t that much....... for the sake of completeness we should add Arrian VII.14.10 where Hephaistion is “χιλίαρχον ἐπὶ τῇ ἵππῳ τῇ ἑταιρικῇ”/chiliarch of the companion cavalry i.e. commander of 1,000 Hetairoi.( and here we are concerned purely with his position as a commander of Companion cavalry)
In order to accept Curtius’ report as accurate it is necessary to
a) Explain away Arrian’s making Addaios a chiiliarch.
No need to “explain away” anything. The supposed anachronism is not in fact necessarily so. The term ‘chiliarch’ is used a number of times by Xenophon, including in a Greek context to mean ‘commander of 1,000’. Addaios commands a ‘taxis/unit’ evidently by his title 1,000 strong, likely mercenary hoplites.
b) Have Alexander institute a new level of command in the phalanx as well as the Hypaspists; since the Hypaspists are attested as being formed in chiliarchia but no one suggests that they were 8,000 strong.
According to the later manuals, two ‘chiliarchies’ make up a phalanx unit (‘taxis’ in Alexander’s time, ‘merarchia’ in later parlance), which structure was instigated by Alexander according to Curtius.
c) Further to b, only part of the phalanx was to have new officers appointed for bravery; there were 9,000 phalangites in six units or 12,000 to which the usual count would add 3,000 hypaspists and the 6,000 reinforcements distributed ‘kata ethne’, which was not the case with the Hypaspists who were chosen from the whole kingdom; so 18,000 or 21,000 Macedonian foot.

The maths do not work, the 6,000 new arrivals might have wanted officers but account for only six chiliarchs, the other two becoming Hypaspist officers leaves at least one Hypaspist chiliarchy with an officer appointed differently. And there lies the rub, Alexander’s distribution of the Macedonian foot ‘kata ethne’ speaks to the traditional methods of recruitment being retained in the phalanx, yet to accommodate Curtius figures one has to suppose that the officers appointed to a fragment of the body no longer had local ties but had their position by merit. This is not a recipe for stability in an army where a units position in the line was determined, not by the commander but by the drawing of lots to diffuse the keen rivalry of the various ethnai. That those chosen for valour will feel more worthy than the standard appointees is introducing a degree of divisiveness no Macedonian king would countenance, let alone one in the middle of Asia.
I’d agree the distribution ‘kata ethne’ clearly indicates the ‘taxeis’ of the phalanx were originally organised on a territorial/tribal basis, but we know at least one additional ‘taxis’ was formed. Is it likely that one third of the reinforcements were from a single territory ? This must mean that the seventh ( and possible eighth taxis) were probably not from a single territory. Officers too were no longer appointed 'ethne' ( see below).
The arithmetic outlined above by Agesilaos falls down because it seems that many, if not most, of the replacements went into the existing ‘taxeis’, who of course already had officers. Rather than try to force square pegs into round holes with this passage, we need only observe that 8 chiliarchs were appointed to the army on this single occasion ( which would require around two dozen or so in all ). These are clearly not the only ‘chiliarchs’ – there are references to ‘chiliarchies’ of archers and of Companion cavalry, and Arrian and Curtius between them name ten ‘chiliarchs’, so that others must have been appointed on other occasions. Agesilaos’ speculative reasoning as to why Alexander would not appoint officers on merit to ‘ethnic’ units falls down at once since according to Curtius Alexander did exactly that : “..Alexander made many changes of the greatest advantage. For whereas before the cavalry were enrolled each man in his own race(i.e. ethne), apart from the rest, he gave up the separation by nations (ethne) and assigned them to commanders not necessarily of their own people, but of his own choice.”[V.2.6]
...and what applied to the cavalry likely applied to the infantry too, for the same reasons.
Seleukos is the commander of the ‘Hypaspistai Basilikoi’ who are enumerated separately from the ‘Agema Basilikoi’ and ‘hoi alloi hypaspistai’ this could just as easily be a pentekosiarchia. Previously you have asserted that ‘Hypaspistai Basilikoi’ was proper title of the corps which would make him ‘some sort of archihypaspist’; is that a petard I see before me?
Why would this be a 'pentekosiarchia' (or 'lochoi') when elsewhere it is apparent that they are organised in 'chiliarchies' (e.g. Arrian IV.30.6 where we hear of 3 chiliarchies of Hypaspists ) ? There is no justification for this at all.
My thoughts are that originally, there were two ' lochoi' of the 'Agema' a.k.a 'Agema of the Makedones' and 'Agema Basilikoi', and two lochoi of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi' a.k.a 'Hypaspists' for short, making 2,000 Hypaspists in all[ see e.g. I.8.3 and I.8.4], and that later these were expanded to the 'Agema', and 3 chiliarchies of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi', for a total of 4,000 Hypaspists [Thus Antiochus can command his own chiliarchy and two others at VII.25.6, the 'Agema' presumably, as always, with Alexander; see also V.23.7 when we have 3 chiliarchies of Hypaspists under Ptolemy's command; at IV.24.10 we have Ptolemy with "one third of the Hypsapists Basilikoi" i.e. a chiliarchy, again excluding the Agema with Alexander; At IV.21.3 and VI.22.1 Alexander has "half the Hypaspists" i.e. the Agema and one other chiliarchy, leaving two other chiliarchies.

I don't see any trace of any 'archihypaspist' here.....Seleucus has his unit of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi', then next to these is the Agema, then the 'other' Hypaspists ( Basilikoi) i.e. the remaining two chiliarchies not under the command of Seleucus. From the death of Nicanor, nowhere do we hear of an overall commander of Hypaspists.
The archers may well have been organised as chiliarchies ab initio, they appear in multiples of 1,000 in Illyria, for instance. The only reason we hear of Hypaspist chiliarchia and that only three times (III 29, IV 30, and V 23) are that they are sent on independent missions and that the chiliarchia is their basic unit, which is why we do not hear more of them earlier.


Quite possibly - for example at Arrian I.6 we hear of a force of 2,000 Agrianes and archers. I agree with you regarding why we hear of Hypaspist chiliarchies, and that is also the reason we don't hear of sarissaphoroi chiliarchies, for their basic tactical unit is the 'Taxis', probably made up of two sub-units of 'chiliarchies'.....we also hear of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi' at IV.24.10 when Ptolemy commands one third of them ( i.e. a 'chiliarchy')
Last edited by Xenophon on Thu Dec 26, 2013 11:58 pm, edited 1 time in total.
agesilaos
Strategos (general)
Posts: 2180
Joined: Mon Sep 09, 2002 3:16 pm
Location: LONDON

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by agesilaos »

Another embedded quote error, I certainly did not write
A useful summary of the actual evidence, and as can be seen, when it comes down to it there isn’t that much....... for the sake of completeness we should add Arrian VII.14.10 where Hephaistion is “χιλίαρχον ἐπὶ τῇ ἵππῳ τῇ ἑταιρικῇ”/chiliarch of the companion cavalry i.e. commander of 1,000 Hetairoi
This is, surely, your comment and so should be outside the quote; I would not mind, but it is nothing like what I think! I am with Paralus in separating the 'Chiliarchate' of Hephaistion, Perdikkas, Seleukos and then Kassandros from the infantry rank and it certainly has nothing to do with commanding 1,000 Companions, IMHO.

Which brings us to Xenophon's alleged use of 'chiliarchos' in a Greek context, you need to supply the reference, all I can find are Persian contexts, a swathe in the 'Kyropaideia' and one in chapter 4 of Oeconomica, which is also discussing Persian organisation, though fiscal rather than military. It remains 'explaining away', though because in your model none of the 'forces' numeri, were organised into chiliarchia before Satrapene, or are the mercenaries, now not to be included in the 'forces'? :twisted:

In 'Anabasis' the two layers of command among the Greeks are regularly given as 'strategoi' and 'lochagoi', in Book 2 v 30, Tissaphernes lures five generals and twenty lochagoi to their doom, these are not the whole officer cadre, however, so, once again the lochos seems not to have consisted of 500 men and may not have been set strengths, certainly the generals commanded those troops that they had raised, ranging from the 4,000 of Xenias to the 300 of Pasion, be it noted that Sokrates the Achaean who brings 500 is a strategos rather than a lochagos, and so is paid the courtesy of being murdered inside the tent :lol: .
I’d agree the distribution ‘kata ethne’ clearly indicates the ‘taxeis’ of the phalanx were originally organised on a territorial/tribal basis, but we know at least one additional ‘taxis’ was formed. Is it likely that one third of the reinforcements were from a single territory ? This must mean that the seventh ( and possible eighth taxis) were probably not from a single territory. Officers too were no longer appointed 'ethne' ( see below).
The arithmetic outlined above by Agesilaos falls down because it seems that many, if not most, of the replacements went into the existing ‘taxeis’, who of course already had officers. Rather than try to force square pegs into round holes with this passage, we need only observe that 8 chiliarchs were appointed to the army on this single occasion ( which would require around two dozen or so in all ). These are clearly not the only ‘chiliarchs’ – there are references to ‘chiliarchies’ of archers and of Companion cavalry, and Arrian and Curtius between them name ten ‘chiliarchs’, so that others must have been appointed on other occasions. Agesilaos’ speculative reasoning as to why Alexander would not appoint officers on merit to ‘ethnic’ units falls down at once since according to Curtius Alexander did exactly that : “..Alexander made many changes of the greatest advantage. For whereas before the cavalry were enrolled each man in his own race(i.e. ethne), apart from the rest, he gave up the separation by nations (ethne) and assigned them to commanders not necessarily of their own people, but of his own choice.”[V.2.6]
...and what applied to the cavalry likely applied to the infantry too, for the same reasons.
Distribution of the infantry 'kata ethne' indicates that the phalanx was organised along territorial lines at Satrapene, which pretty much blows your closing remark clear out of the water, what went for the cavalry did NOT go for the foot. Nor is there anything unusual about a whole territorial unit being sent out, any more than there was in Alexander taking six of them in the first place! However, since the re-inforcement figures are mirrored by Diodoros, we may almost certainly assume that they come from Kleitarchos and should be treated with the utmost scepticism, not least because the recruiting grounds for half of them had been in revolt at the time they were allegedly recruited. One thing the existing units did not have according to Curtius were any chiliarchs, since this was the first occaision they were created, thus it is your own mathematics that is found sadly lacking.

Curtius, of course, nowhere uses 'ethne' he has gens-natio-gens, these words are clearly intended as synonyms and could equally mean that he ceased separating Greeks from Thracians and Macedonians as Pierians from Elimiots, the choice is purely down to bias, that we know that the larger assimilation did not occur is no reason to presume that the source did not intend it, it is the start of the rot in his story. It would suit me greatly if it did mean that the cavalry reforms did entail a wholescale shuffling of personel and a breaking up of local loyalties but this passage is not concrete evidence, and given the reservations about its other notices, it should probably not be given any strength. Arrian's version has minor cavalry officers, appointed by degree of valour, but nothing there, III 16 xi, indicates that the new officers were not promoted from within the individual ilai.

Putting the sarcasm 'over there in a box' you now say that when Arrian says
τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς βασιλικούς, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Σέλευκος
The King's Own Hypaspists, of whom Seleukos was the leader

He really means the third of the King's Own Hypaspists of whom Seleukos was the officer, strange that he does not merit a mention when Niarchos and Antichos take three chiliarchis into action, despite being important enough to share Alexander's boat. That you will ignore the tripartite division into Royal Agema, Royal Hypaspists and other hypaspists I take as a given ('alloi hypaspistai' not 'alloi basilikoi hypaspistai'), so it is no surprise that you cannot join the dots of a model where every hypaspist not in the agema is 'Royal' and Seleukos is commander of the Royal hypaspists that that is as near to being Archihypaspist as it gets, even for Nikanor...

And then you end by making a technical term of 'taxis' again and making it two chiliarchies.... you are right, deja vue :roll:

The Ashes? Heard of them but, like Gergovia, no one knows where they are (Well, they are not in England that's for sure :( )
When you think about, it free-choice is the only possible option.
User avatar
Paralus
Chiliarch
Posts: 2875
Joined: Mon Sep 26, 2005 8:13 am
Location: Sydney, Australia
Contact:

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Paralus »

Xenophon wrote: Why would this be a 'pentekosiarchia' (or 'lochoi') when elsewhere it is apparent that they are organised in 'chiliarchies' (e.g. Arrian IV.30.6 where we hear of 3 chiliarchies of Hypaspists ) ? There is no justification for this at all.
We do not know how large the agema was. This was the king's personal foot guard and it is far more likely to be a small unit part of and distinct from the whole (a la the ile basilke). On "Curtius' evidence" it is just as likely as not to have been pentikosiarchy for the "forces", we must remember, were organised in this fashion prior to Sittakene. It doesn't necessarily follow that the king's personal guard was enlarged via these reinforcements; indeed, depending upon its recruitment, it may well not have been enlarged.

Xenophon wrote:I don't see any trace of any 'archihypaspist' here.....Seleucus has his unit of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi', then next to these is the Agema, then the 'other' Hypaspists ( Basilikoi) i.e. the remaining two chiliarchies not under the command of Seleucus. From the death of Nicanor, nowhere do we hear of an overall commander of Hypaspists.
agesilaos wrote:Putting the sarcasm 'over there in a box' you now say that when Arrian says
τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς βασιλικούς, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Σέλευκος
The King's Own Hypaspists, of whom Seleukos was the leader

He really means the third of the King's Own Hypaspists of whom Seleukos was the officer, strange that he does not merit a mention when Niarchos and Antichos take three chiliarchis into action, despite being important enough to share Alexander's boat. That you will ignore the tripartite division into Royal Agema, Royal Hypaspists and other hypaspists I take as a given ('alloi hypaspistai' not 'alloi basilikoi hypaspistai'), so it is no surprise that you cannot join the dots of a model where every hypaspist not in the agema is 'Royal' and Seleukos is commander of the Royal hypaspists that that is as near to being Archihypaspist as it gets, even for Nikanor...
I can only agree with Agesilaos here. Arrian only says that Alexander placed hard by the cavalry the 'Royal hypaspists' under Seleukos. Not a chiliarchy under Seleukos and not 'a third' under Seleukos. He then goes on to say that beside these were stationed "the agema basilikoi and then the other hypaspists" (τὸ ἄγημα τὸ βασιλικόν; τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπασπιστάς). There is no division of the 'Royal hypaspists' here. The only way the passage can be read is that there is an agema, royal hypaspists and 'other' hypaspists. The agema, in every set piece situation, is the lead unit of the hypaspists and occupies the position abutting the Companion cavalry. While it is not impossible that they did not here (though why the king would not have his personal guard unit in its usual position begs a question), there seems to me to be no logical reason to split, on your reasoning, the 'regular' hypaspists to either side of the lead unit. As I've said before, this passage is most problematic and something is, to my mind, amiss with it.

That Seleukos has some form of seniority here is indicated, as Agesilaos notes, by his sharing the boat with the king; the company he is keeping indicates so. If the ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς βασιλικούς are those hypaspists outside the agema, then it is these that Seleukos is named as commanding - hence his boat ride with the king and his somatophylakes.
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

Academia.edu
agesilaos
Strategos (general)
Posts: 2180
Joined: Mon Sep 09, 2002 3:16 pm
Location: LONDON

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by agesilaos »

Just a note to say that I personally do not accept that 'hoi Hypaspistai Basilikoi' means the generality of the hypaspists at all, I think we have from the start two Guard units of pentekostys strength, the Hypaspistai Basilikoi and the Agema (sometimes styled 'of the Macedonians' sometimes also 'basilikon' and both called 'hetairoi' of one sort or another) and two further units organised as chiliarchies. The question of an increase in strength is somewhat moot and depends, to a large extent upon whether you believe the Silver shields included the Agema or not, something for the 'Numbers' thread I suggest. I see the HB as the unit composed of graduated Paides Basilikoi, as commander of the paramount Footguard, Seleukos was still worthy of his place in Alexander's boat.

That's just for the record as my position. Were it correct then the Hypaspistai Basilikoi could not have been expanded at Satrapene as there simply were not the number of time-served Pages to reinforce it.
When you think about, it free-choice is the only possible option.
User avatar
Paralus
Chiliarch
Posts: 2875
Joined: Mon Sep 26, 2005 8:13 am
Location: Sydney, Australia
Contact:

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Paralus »

agesilaos wrote:Just a note to say that I personally do not accept that 'hoi Hypaspistai Basilikoi' means the generality of the hypaspists at all, I think we have from the start two Guard units of pentekostys strength, the Hypaspistai Basilikoi and the Agema (sometimes styled 'of the Macedonians' sometimes also 'basilikon' and both called 'hetairoi' of one sort or another) and two further units organised as chiliarchies.
Yes, I realise your position. It doesn't accord at all well with "a third part" or the hypaspistai basilokoi being given to Ptolemy though, as I've said earlier here or on one of the several dozen other threads. I cannot think of a tactical subdivision (of 500 or 512) that would facilitate such a division as you posit. Moreover,such a unit, a personal guard unit of the king composed of time expired pages,is very unlikely to be divided up by the king and sent off with Ptolemy whilst the king led his third of the army against "the greatest concentration of the barbarians". I cannot think of a good reason why the king would so weaken his own guard.

agesilaos wrote:The question of an increase in strength is somewhat moot and depends, to a large extent upon whether you believe the Silver shields included the Agema or not, something for the 'Numbers' thread I suggest.


The Argyraspides are never attested as having an agema. Diodorus uses the word for the cavalry version but never with repect to the hypaspists operating after Alexander's death. Perdikkas has 'hypaspists' with him in Egypt and it is notable that they are not called Argyraspides - given the many subsequent references to them. Eumenes also has 'hypaspists' and, given the modicum of Macedonians in his army, they can hardly have been Macedonian. There had to have been a minimum of three 'regular' hypaspist brigades. Beyond that is really guesswork - including the size of the agema.
agesilaos wrote:That's just for the record as my position. Were it correct then the Hypaspistai Basilikoi could not have been expanded at Satrapene as there simply were not the number of time-served Pages to reinforce it.
I agree with that logic if only for the agema.
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

Academia.edu
agesilaos
Strategos (general)
Posts: 2180
Joined: Mon Sep 09, 2002 3:16 pm
Location: LONDON

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by agesilaos »

I agree, the third part given to Ptolemy does present problems and the solution is not immediately apparent I would not wish to go down the corrupt text route, nor the authorial error one, all I would point out is that Ptolemy has clearly exaggerated the forces arrayed against him; the 40,000 prisoners and 230,000 plus oxen are simply incredible (IV 25). According to Scott Penfield ‘Are You Ready for a Grazing System?’ one cow requires 30-40acres grazing in flat pinewoods or 15-20 in wetter areas, management can improve these figures to one per 5 acres of wetland, 15 of flat wood; such rotational grazing systems seem not to have been practised at this time, though. Also oxen require more food than domestic cows, and there would be a lot of land that would be unusable in Aspasia. However let us start from one ox needing 40 acres, this herd would require 9,200,000 acres, an area twice the size of Wales. The Swat valley, where the Aspasians lived has only 288,000 acres of plain the rest is mountain, nor were they the only occupants of the valley. The land could support 72,000 oxen , so Ptolemy is inflating the figure by more than three times, if the whole of the ox population had been gathered for the battle, the same factor applied to the men reduces the army to c.14,000, and that is the upper limit. As the size of the engagement reduces so the influence of small numbers of elites increases.

That said, it does not alter the fact that one third of a unit is awkward without giving the Hypaspists a different lower level organisation. The phalanx units do seem to have been divided into six constituent units , three pentekosys, each consisting of two hekatonstys (the theorists’ syntagmai).

It is possible that the Hypaspists only drew up twelve deep rather than sixteen, the purpose of the depth of a pike phalanx is different from that of a hoplite one; the pikemen cannot add momentum from the rear as the hoplites can, the rear ranks are there to make it harder for the front ranks to turn and flee, this would allow troops with better morale to fight in shallower formations.

Loath though I am to mention it, the Tactica do speak of twelve as a strength for the file which would yield 144 as the strength of the smallest tactical unit (based on a square) six of these would give ‘chiliarchiai’ of 864 plus the supernumerary officers. Whether you think this is close enough to 1,000 is a personal decision.
When you think about, it free-choice is the only possible option.
User avatar
Paralus
Chiliarch
Posts: 2875
Joined: Mon Sep 26, 2005 8:13 am
Location: Sydney, Australia
Contact:

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Paralus »

agesilaos wrote:...all I would point out is that Ptolemy has clearly exaggerated the forces arrayed against him; the 40,000 prisoners and 230,000 plus oxen are simply incredible (IV 25).
And, as is in all such exaggerations, the truth irritatingly intrudes. This being the notations that the army was divided and that the King's force was that which would - and did - fight the pitched battle with the "greatest concentration" of Indians in the field. I have not the time (the office portends) to go through the forces available to Alexander but it is clear that Alexander divided the army into three parts. Ptolemy's, compared to that of Leonnatos', is a veritable army on its own (Leonnatos given a phalanx unit and javelin men only). It also suggests that, along with the king sending off a third of his personal guard, Alexander took on the main group sans any of his regular light troops: Ptolemy has the Agrianians and Leonnatos Balakros' men.
agesilaos wrote:It is possible that the Hypaspists only drew up twelve deep rather than sixteen, the purpose of the depth of a pike phalanx is different from that of a hoplite one; the pikemen cannot add momentum from the rear as the hoplites can, the rear ranks are there to make it harder for the front ranks to turn and flee, this would allow troops with better morale to fight in shallower formations.

Loath though I am to mention it, the Tactica do speak of twelve as a strength for the file which would yield 144 as the strength of the smallest tactical unit (based on a square) six of these would give ‘chiliarchiai’ of 864 plus the supernumerary officers. Whether you think this is close enough to 1,000 is a personal decision.
That goes to just how these troops were armed: a worm can not to be opened here. File depth might well have been varied for the elite regiment but we are only really speculating. I know and agree with your reluctance to venture to text corruption or authorial error, but error has intruded elsewhere in Arrian. A "third part" does not rankle quite so much as does the notation at the Hydaspes. To me either the agema and the 'royal hypaspists' are one unit or the latter are the 'regular' hypaspists. The notation that the "rest of the hypaspists" were arranged according to "the rotation of commands for the day" doesn't quite sit either. We are speaking, possibly, of only 2,000 men. Four pentakosiarchs rotated?
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

Academia.edu
agesilaos
Strategos (general)
Posts: 2180
Joined: Mon Sep 09, 2002 3:16 pm
Location: LONDON

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by agesilaos »

It is an odd sort of battle; Alexander with a holding role while Ptolemy leads the right hook with troops Alexander is often seen leading. It is possible that ptolemy has exaggerated the size of his command (though it must have been plausible for him to have a third of the Hypaspistai Basilikoi). The Indians he attacks are on a hill/mountain difficult of access; he has to form his troops into column to ascend : yet there is an exit that Ptolemy allegedly leaves open deliberately. These Indians clearly are not an offensive threat, just as Ptolemy finds the position difficult to assault, the very same considerations make it a difficult position from which to launch an attack. It sounds far more like the sort of position a tribe might deposit their non-combatants, or to which broken troops might flee; of course this is pure speculation, but Ptolemy, 'scilicet gloriae suae non refragatus', and he seems to have made hard work of his mission if the special pleading is anything to go by.

I would not draw any conclusions about armament from the depth of a formation,Alexander's pikemen were eight deep at Issos whilst the Allies at the Nemea agreed to line up sixteen deep (those nasty Thebans then went deeper and attacked handing the Spartans a crushing victory!). I agree that Hypaspist armament is not a subject for this thread,even Aghios Athanasios has not settled matters.

There are two ways of looking at the rotation of the commands; the position of honour and subsequent positions in the line, in all probability were drawn by lot among the phalanx and the companions, so it would follow that the same applied in this smaller group simply to negate the fierce inter-unit rivalry; or, Arrian has confused the rotation of the various guard shifts, which we can assume happened just as it did for the paides, for a rotion of field commands. One can only imagine the Byzantine intricacies of the lottery used to decide which units had the honour of carrying the wounded Alexander :lol:
When you think about, it free-choice is the only possible option.
User avatar
Xenophon
Hetairos (companion)
Posts: 847
Joined: Fri Jul 03, 2009 3:16 am

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Xenophon »

...And a reciprocal gift for Paralus:
‘Deck the halls with boughs of holly....fa..la.la.lalaa.. lala....lala
Time to ex-pose Paralus’ folly... ..fa..la.la.lalaa .. lala....lala


Paralus wrote:
A Christmas gift for Xenophon:

He’s reading the posts,
He’s checking them twice
He’s gonna find out if they’re twaddle or nice
Paralus Claus is coming to town


A Christmas gift !! Hurrah ! Hope it’s as good as System 88’s gift to us all !!
And a meaty one seemingly ! Over 1700 words worth of post....and yet, and yet....total disappointment :(

Tear off the wrapping, and there’s just nothing of substance !

Mere sophistry and flawed attempts to attack my posts - a negative counter, made necessary because Paralus has nothing positive to support his beliefs. No attempt to build a case based on evidence, indeed 1700 words later and we are very little the wiser as to just what Paralus’ case is. Ah, well, at least it may serve as a demonstration of flawed arguments......in line with the principle of attacking the arguments, rather than the person making them.....

Paralus wrote:
My position is not that there were “ten chiliarchies” but that if Curtius is accurate, there were eight such. Further, if we conflate Arrian’s note of the above two hypaspist chiliarchs with Curtius’ eight, there are ten chiliarchs named by both. That is not the same as there being “ten chiliarchies” and to suggest I agreed so is incorrect. If Cutius is correct and if we conflate both sources, there are reasons for the replacement of chiliarchs as I’ve noted and which have been rejected by you on the grounds that Arrian does not name the dead chiliarchs.
Not true, Curtius speaks of eight chiliarchs being “the first time...” the forces were so divided, not the only time chiliarchies were created....
Also, I speak of possibilities only. I don’t “reject” the idea of two dead chiliarchs, merely point out that we previously are told when officers of senior rank perish, hence two dead chiliarchs seems unlikely. Of course death may not be the only reason for a change of command – witness Simmias’ command of his brother Amyntas’ ‘Taxis’ when he is sent to Macedon to bring re-inforcements, but once again we are apparently told of such events, though how many we are not told of is an unknowable moot point.

You earlier, despite wordy postings, did not make clear your viewpoint, which is a possibility – that the 10 chiliarchs named may relate to just Curtius’ 8 chiliarchies, albeit a slim one. But there is no evidence that there were ONLY eight chiliarchies, and definitely some that there were more. You accept that there are ten ( excluding Hephaistion) named chiliarchs, but insist on Curtius’ literal eight chiliarchies ? ( allowing for your caveat of "if Curtius is correct"). Presumably you postulate two changes of command that lead to Antiochus and Nearchus becoming chiliarchs? But obviously there were not 8 chiliarchies of Hypaspists in the first place, most probably just the Agema and 3 other chiliarchies? Your caveat implies Curtius is somehow wrong, though here without suggesting how, and for what reasons [though see below, when you supposedly answer the question]. Are you seriously suggesting that Curtius’ source could mistake “Commander of 1,000” for “Commander of 500” or perhaps some other sub-unit ?? (chiliarchy for pentekosiarchy – which is as unmistakeable in Greek as it is in English)
That this is not the only time when chilarchies are created is implicit in Curtius’ language: “..this being the first time that the forces were divided into that number; “ i.e. not the only, but the first of perhaps many.
What is more the term ‘pentekosiarchy’ does not appear until [VII.26] and would thus be an ‘anachronism’ here by your earlier ( but mistaken) reasoning.
In fact it is likely that the word ‘pentekosiarchy’ probably replaced ‘lochos’ for a unit of 500 by analogy with ‘chiliarchy’ for 1,000, some time after the re-organisation of the army.
On your reading, these are the only two hypaspist chiliarchs named by Arrian in the entire work. That he does not record the death of others is not surprising given that he never bothers to name any others even in contexts where such could be noted. It is far more likely a function of his source noting these two officers in this one instance and not bothering to note others elsewhere (it is interesting to note that Philotas, the phalanx infantry chiliarch promoted to taxiarch according to yourself, manages such without Arrian – who “seems to have been conscientious about such things” – mentioning the fate of the taxiarch he replaced).
It is correct that these two are the only named Hypaspist chiliarchs, but although not called so, Seleucus is likely a chiliarch of Hypaspists also. Arrian does mention the deaths of senior officers frequently, e.g Admetus, or Seleucus the taxiarch etc.
Your interpretation of my ‘reading’ is a mis-representation of what I wrote – I merely mentioned that POSSIBLY Philotas the chiliarch was the same as Philotas the (possible)Taxiarch. In that case he would be the only one of the named eight whose further career we hear of, and if so that would be because he became a Unit Commander, instead of just being a typically anonymous sub-unit commander. That is an example of a fallacious argument – setting up a ‘straw man’, a caricature of what was actually said that is refutable, rather than what was really said. ( The point here being that it is Unit commanders who are sometimes mentioned but rarely sub-unit commanders, so we would not expect to hear of the doings of chiliarchs of the phalanx. Nor, after 'chiliarchies' are introduced, are we told of the death of any Hypaspist chiliarchs.)
Again, we cannot know the reason for our source including or excluding a particular anecdote - or where something is left out altogether, unless we have another source to compare with. Arrian does often give background information for minor characters, but it is impossible to determine those not mentioned, or why....( hence "seems")...and in any event this just another 'red herring' from the question of whether 'chiliarchy' in Curtius V.2.3 refers purely to the Hypaspists or not.
Your case has, from the beginning, been rooted in Curtius’ notice of these chiliarchs of Sittakene. Indeed you have claimed that “there must have been chilarchies in the phalanx on the strength of Curtius' evidence” and this because Curtius names eight. You then add further by claiming the archers had chiliarchs (though none is ever named and they are only ever commanded by a single officer) and that the cavalry had a unit of 1,000 commanded by a similar chiliarch, Hephaestion. When confronted with the uncomfortable fact that “Curtius’ evidence” is only eight such officers you have alternately proposed that not all the Macedonian heavy infantry were so organised at this time or that the lot was so organised only there were “existing commanders” to fill these vacancies; that is those not noted (for whatever reason) by Curtius.
Yes, because as you have so singularly failed to explain, if the extra 4 or so chiliarchs ( beyond the corps of Hypaspists) were not appointed to posts within the phalanx it is very difficult to explain where they went without throwing up implausibilities, and as you mention, and I pointed out earlier, only two of the named eight have any known association with the Hypaspists. "Confronted with the uncomfortable fact" is neither a 'confrontation' nor uncomfortable - only if, as you do claim "there were eight and only eight". I have demonstrated that there were more, and that the term was not restricted to the Hypaspists ( it applied to archers and cavalry too, but even if we leave aside the latter, still clearly not just Hypaspists - it is throughout just the generic term for a command of 1,000 )
And since there were ‘chiliarchies’ of archers, they can hardly be commanded by anything other than chiliarchs. Tactically, the archers were usually split into two units – one for each wing, so that when these were 1,000 strong, they were likely made up of two ‘lochoi’, and when 2,000 strong, two chiliarchies, as we are told.That they have an overall commander above the un-named chiliarchs would parallel possible chiliarchies in the phalanx, where the Taxiarch is named but not any subordinate chiliarchs. To suggest chiliarchies were not here commanded by chiliarchs because we are not explicitly told so is hair-splitting in the extreme, and just not credible. Another form of fallacious argument. After all, the existence of chiliarchies of archers alone proves that the term was NOT restricted to units of Hypaspists. Nor is it Curtius’ evidence that the named eight were the ONLY chiliarchs, merely those first appointed.
Xenophon wrote:Chiliarchies are indeed created [Curtius V.3] "the first time the forces were divided into that number." ( note: forces, not Hypaspists ). Moreover 8 chiliarchs are appointed at this time, and perhaps others on other occasions […]Perhaps this occasion merits notice because of its ‘en masse’ nature, and subsequent appointments of a chiliarch here or there, especially to a sub-unit of a phalanx ‘taxis’, would not be so noted....

....is completely illogical. If 8 chiliarchs only are appointed on this occasion, that does not mean that Alexander could not have re-organised his whole phalanx into chiliarchies – there were existing commanders to accommodate into the new structure.

Difficult to know just which it is you are arguing for. The first is, as Agesilaos noted and with which I agree, “nonsense”. We have four hypaspist chiliarchs (on your count) and only two taxeis of the phalanx organised as such – the rest wait until some opportune later date and available 'men of valour'. Perhaps, then, four taxeis of the phalanx were so organised and only two hypaspist chiliarchies created (as only two are associated as you say). Neither makes sense: there is no reason to reorganise half the hypaspists and even less to reorganise two thirds of the phalanx taxeis (or visa-versa). On your second view, I have already pointed out that is was clearly “existing commanders” (officers of whichever level below taxiarch) who competed for the eight positions in Curtius’ passage. They are, then, no different to your un-named existing commanders.
How do you know that the Taxiarch did not command one 'chiliarchy', leaving just one chiliarch to command the second in each Taxis, for example ? There are several permutations possible.These difficulties only arise because you take Curtius too literally, indeed going further and limiting possible meanings ( "eight and only eight chilarchies." - something Curtius does NOT say.) This is clearly not the one and only occasion that ‘chiliarchs’ were appointed to command the new ‘chiliarchies’,1,000 strong, merely the first, as Curtius says. It is manifest that more than 8 chiliarchies existed. And even if it were not, that there are eight is way too many for just the Hypaspists in any event.
It is also clear that Alexander was trying something new, in order to tighten his personal control over the army. Traditionally the territorial/tribal units had been officered by their own aristocracy, and Alexander sought to change this to a system where the officers were appointed by ‘merit’ i.e. owed their appointment, and hence their personal loyalty, to him. ( following his throwing off the shackles of the stranglehold Parmenion’s family seems to have had on high command with Parmenion commanding up to half the army – including, apparently, many troops loyal to him personally, Philotas commanding Alexander’s mounted guard and Nicanor his foot guard. More junior appointments were undoubtedly occupied by Parmenion’s adherents, and various other factions)
Curtius V.2.3 was simply his first attempt to achieve this change, and evidently disguised by ostensibly making it a ‘contest’, though we may be reasonably sure that all the appointments were with Alexander’s approval. Having set this precedent, Alexander could then gradually change the composition of the Officer corps, as evidenced by Curtius V.2.3; Diodorus XVII.65 (quoted by you below) and touched upon by Arrian at III.16 with his ‘new’ army structure.

What then to make of the following?

Xenophon wrote:That ‘chiliarchs’ were appointed on other occasions cannot be doubted – Antiochus and Nearchus weren’t appointed at Susa/Sittakene for a start, nor in all probability the archers.
The only reason you “know this” and that “it cannot be doubted” is that Curtius does not name them amongst his eight ‘chiliarchs’. So then, was it a case of no “existing commanders to accommodate into the new structure” or did Alexander decide only to reorganise one half of his Guard unit? Best not be taking Curtius too literally here.
And I do not take him too literally – see above – unlike Paralus, who can’t decide if Curtius is entirely literally true, or if Curtius has made a fundamental mistake, and doesn’t refer to ‘chiliarchies’ at all, but some other rank....all very 'fuzzy'. Also an example of a false dichotomy.This is also an example of a ‘straw man’ argument again – setting up a caricature of what I actually meant, so that Paralus can refute his own artificial argument, by rhetorical question. ( which incidently, I don't follow. How can 8 chiliarchs apply to one half of the Hypaspists? Shome mishtake shurely ? Is this a reference to the fact that only 2 of the eight have known associations with Hypaspists?)
As I’ve noted, Curtius is the only source to record this “competition”. Diodorus records only that Alexander “wanted to advance some officers and to strengthen the forces by the number and the ability of the commanders. This he effected. He scrutinized closely the reports of good conduct and promoted many from a high military command to an even higher responsibility, so that by giving all the commanders greater prestige he bound them to himself by strong ties of affection” (17.65.2-3). Clearly, as I note above, existing officers competed here. Now, Diodorus (book 17) and Curtius are universally agreed to have shared a common source. Whilst it is not unlikely that the Sicilian has edited out Curtius’ list of “chiliarchs”, it is surprising that he fails to mention any such reorganisation. On your own statement, Diodorus never uses “chiliarch” until book 18. Are we to suppose it was a term of Hieronymus? Working from a common source, that is a concern.
These are but minor quibbles, and none of us can decide why a particular source mentions a particular matter, whilst others do not – witness the fact that Arrian all but passes over these events altogether.( see above) Perhaps Curtius drew on another source for this particular passage, we simply don’t know. However, what is apparent is that the process was intended to give Alexander more personal control of the Army, and in particular its officer corps.
Now, to answer your question “So then, Paralus, let us hear your explanation of who all these surplus ‘chiliarchs’ served with?” To do so it’s best to put that question into some context for it comes with overtures of “the Dark Side”…

Xenophon wrote:Scholarly attempts at ‘special pleading,’ such as Curtius “must have” meant pentekosiarchs/ commander of 500 should be dismissed as unlikely in the extreme, indeed as totally implausible […]rather than the over-complicated theorems of modern commentators […] Do you, for example, subscribe to the lame theory that Curtius ‘must have’ meant pentekosiarchs ? Or perhaps each ‘chiliarchy’ of Hypaspists has an “heir and a spare” ?
Now, all the above language is deliberate and used for effect. That effect is to ridicule and dismiss any such proposition even though it is not in play. This is exactly what Luisa Prandi does when diminishing the importance of Poxy LXXI. 4808. The poser of the question is absolutely certain of his ground and the object is to destroy the counter proposition – not on the evidence – but on rather more histrionic or emotive grounds.
Not at all. My point was neither ‘histrionic’ nor ‘emotive’, but based on evidence, or rather lack of it. There is not one iota of evidence for the proposition that Curtius ‘must be’ referring to pentekosiarchs or similar. It is, as I said, an example of the logical fallacy of ‘special pleading’ – the introduction of something new, which is not in the original, a false counter to some uncomfortable fact, or to try to alter the evidence to fit a pre-conceived view. The comparison with Prandi is simply ‘mud slinging’ – another form of poor argument.
That said, I must put myself within the camp of those whose views are “unlikely in the extreme”, “totally implausible”, “rather over-complicated theorems” and “lame” and who see Curtius as having muddled this notice. I do not see that ‘chiliarchs’ are what is actually being discussed. Indeed, I believe that such relatively senior commanders will have been selected by the king sans contest as Diodorus implies. Those below may compete for the next level. After all, in your view, the supposed chiliarch is an arrowhead away from a taxiarchy. Fancy that, a man from the ‘non-coms’, like Philotas, taking over a command the preserve of a noble (though, perhaps Alexander sought this?).
Paralus stated he would answer the question of where the surplus chiliarchs went - but does not ( though earlier he opined that there were "eight and eight only" chiliarchs in Curtius - "if he is correct"). Instead he now "[does]not see that chiliarchs are what is actually being discussed", instead making the problem disappear, with a vague unsupported statement, and even then does not say what emendation he would make to Curtius 'chiliarchae', or give reasons !
In short, Paralus subscribes to a demonstrably false view, based on the assumption that the source ‘must be wrong’. To subscribe to such a modern ‘made up’ view, reliant on special pleading, and without any evidence at all to support it is illogical .This is the more so when there are alternate explanations, which do not require us to assume the source is necessarily wrong! [ Also, on what basis is Philotas a 'non-com' ? At Halicarnassus, like Hellanicus, he is a commander/officer, assuming it is the same person, which is very likely; Arrian I.21.5]
But of course we have “the manuals” and these cannot be ignored. Those who have done so have been brought up short in the past. The tactical manuals – all later Hellenistic productions – say that the Macedonian phalanx was divided into ‘chiliarchies’. This, then, is incontrovertible evidence – when taken with Curtius’ evidence – that Alexander introduced such at Sittakene. Before this reform the troops were organised in lochoi, in your view 512 strong. The “manuals” describe a lochos as a file of 16 and a lochagos as the file leader. Did Alexander have 16 strong lochoi at Gaugamela or did he reduce this command to 16 in Sittakene? Conflation of sources – many, many years apart – is a dangerous game.
Despite the sarcasm ( it is always suspicious when someone’s case reverts to sarcasm ), the manuals, or rather manual, for they all stem from a single source going back to (probably) Polybius, is our best source for the structure of Macedonian type armies, and it/they tell us flatly that they go back to Alexander ( and beyond), even to details such as which form of counter-march Alexander preferred.[The Laconian, for those wondering ! ] Despite the hundred years or so between Alexander and Polybius, there is remarkable consistency between the structure described in the manual and the sources for Alexander’s army. Some nomenclature had changed in the interim – hardly surprising given the generic nature of Greek military terminology, but the structure is clearly visible. In the manual the ‘taxis’ of Alexander’s day ( later called ‘meras’) is made up of 2 chiliarchies [1,024 men] each made up of 2 pentekosiarchies [512 men] – which were previously probably called ‘lochoi’ ( see e.g. Arrian IV.2.1; VI.27.1 and VII.24.4). It is the change to the name ‘pentekosiarcy’ which seems to have taken place near the end of Alexander’s reign that allowed the generic term ‘lochos’ lit: a band, or bunch, or company of men to become applied later to a file instead of the unit of 500. I feel sure Paralus is aware of this, hence his attempt to discredit the manual and its use of terminology is a smoke screen, or to use his own term, ‘sunburned clupeidae’/red herring. This is not the ‘dangerous game’ that Paralus would have us believe, for once again he is trying to throw doubt on evidence which is plain, and discredit it when there is no reason to do so, just because it does not accord with his unsupported, and illogical, beliefs. As for the 'time gap', at 100 years or so (Polybius) it is fairly close to Alexander. It is no more a 'dangerous game' than to compare Diodorus, Curtius, Plutarch and Arrian.
On to other matters. You seem confused (as I’ve noted nore than once) over Hephaestions’ Chiliarchy. Your most recent comment:

Xenophon wrote:I was really only referring to the title 'chiliarch' in the military sense of commander of 1,000/chiliarchy in being part of the catalogue of usages of the term. That is the context of the section at [VII.14.10] where it is apparent that the passage deals with succession to the command of Hephaistion's 'chiliarchy' qua Companion Cavalry command.

Whilst I realise you need Hephaestion’s command to be of 1,000 troops for your argument, it’s becoming passingly difficult to keep up with your altering positionts regarding this. You began with.......
Yet another flawed argument, based on false premises. I don’t need Hephaistion’s command to be 1,000 troops at all [yet another 'straw man'] – it suffices for the case I’ve put forward that there were more than four chiliarchies, hence it was not just the Hypaspists who were so organised, and there are undoubtedly more than four chiliarchs, and we find archers too organised this way. “Keep up with your altering positions” is another example of flawed and exaggerated argument, for my position alters only a little, based on close examination of the evidence .....

Xenophon wrote:[Digression: In Alexander's day the term 'chiliarchon' seems to have been used to describe the very influential person who commanded the King's Bodyguard. He first gave it to Hephaistion, described at Arrian VII.14.10 as "chiliarchon of the Companion cavalry." Perdiccas apparently succeeded to this title following Hephaistion's death.

With which I would largely agree and have enlarged upon. You then decided, as your need for demonstrable ‘chiliarchs’ in Alexander’s army necessitated, that this was not so:
More 'straw man' argument ! I have no need for Hephaistion to be a chiliarch necessarily - there are quite clearly more than is needed for the Hypaspists alone, whether or not Hephaistion is included.....and a 'sunburned clupeidae' to boot !


Xenophon wrote:...Except the reference I supplied at VII.14.10 where Hephaistion still commands his previous 'half' of the Companion cavalry i.e two Hipparchia of 500 or so, which adds up to a chiliarchy, hence he is referred to as 'Chiliarchon of the Companion cavalry'.
So, which is Hephaestion? The “very influential person who commanded the King's Bodyguard […] described at Arrian VII.14.10 as ‘chiliarchon of the Companion cavalry’” or the Hephaestion who only commands “his previous 'half' of the Companion cavalry i.e two Hipparchia of 500 or so, which adds up to a chiliarchy, hence he is referred to as 'Chiliarchon of the Companion cavalry'”?
Here we have another example of illogical argument - another false dichotomy. It is not an 'either or' situation.
When I wrote the former, it was a generalisation by way of a digression. There is little doubt that Hephaistion was “a very influential person”, nor, as the sole ‘chiliarch’ of Hetairoi that he was the senior officer thereof. As the thread progressed, and I researched further I began to question the assumption that he must also have commanded the Hetairoi, because nowhere does he do so, nor is he ever called such in our best sources [ only in Diodorus after Alexander’s death, by analogy with Perdiccas as ‘Chiliarch’, who really was commander of the Hetairoi at that time.] The most we ever hear of is Hephaistion commanding ‘half’ the Hetairoi, on a temporary ad hoc basis. Most importantly, at Arrian VII.14.10, we are told that at the time of his death:
Alexander did not appoint any one else to be ‘chiliarch’[chiliarchon =commander of 1,000] of the Companion cavalry in the place of Hephaestion, so that the name of that general might not perish from the brigade [chiliarchy]; but that division/sub-unit[taxis] of cavalry was still called Hephaestion's ........

Note that Hephaistion is NOT called commander of all the Hetairoi, just one sub-unit, a chiliarchy of 1,000 men. This ties in nicely with what we are told earlier, [III.27] when after Philotas’ execution, command of the Companions, then some 2,000 strong, is divided into two between Hephaistion and Cleitus, so that each commands a thousand. These new units do not at first have a name, hence are called generic ‘hipparchia duo’[two cavalry commands]. After Cleitus’ death, and with the expansion of the Companions, the new sub-units are also called ‘hipparchies’, each some 500 strong [i.e. two ‘Iles’/squadrons, each of two ‘lochoi’/troops]. Hephaistion could hardly be ‘demoted’ to Hipparch, hence his original double-sized hipparchy is now called a ‘chiliarchy’, and he ‘chiliarch’, quite rightly for a unit of 1,000 cavalry, and as the sole ‘chiliarch’ of Hetairoi, Hephaistion is its senior officer, but NOT in actual fact the commander of the whole Companions – a subtle distinction, but an important one. Alexander has ingeniously avoided having a single commander, as he intended, after Philotas, and Hephaistion does not “lose face” for not being given sole command of the Companions after the death of Cleitus.

However, all this is a digression – another ‘sunburned clupeidae’, which is here used to distract from the total lack of evidence for Paralus’ rather loose, and seemingly confused position [ is Curtius referring to 8 chiilarchons or not, and if not, what? And what evidence is Curtius' "error" based on ?]
agesilaos
Strategos (general)
Posts: 2180
Joined: Mon Sep 09, 2002 3:16 pm
Location: LONDON

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by agesilaos »

Yes, because as you have so singularly failed to explain, if the extra 4 or so chiliarchs ( beyond the corps of Hypaspists) were not appointed to posts within the phalanx it is very difficult to explain where they went without throwing up implausibilities,
I won’t bother giving this sort of fallacious reasoning a name but it singularly avoids the main point; if a piece of information can only be retained by implausible arguments, which include the introduction of new command structures piecemeal , then it should be rejected rather than clung to. All the more so when a superior source contradicts it – Arrian has Addaios a chiliarch before Curtius says the rank was first introduced – but there is a further test.

At the Hydaspes Arrian , V 12 ii lists those troops that crossed the river with Alexander
The Agema of the Companions
The Hipparchies of Hephaistion (NOT let it be noted the ‘Chiliarchy’ of Hephaistion)
Perdikkas
Demetrios and
Koinos (16 i)
The cavalry of the Bactrians
Sogdians
Scythians and
1,000 Dahai horse archers
These we are told, V 14 I numbered 5,000, sadly, since the sizes of the Oriental contingents are not given, we cannot conclude much with certainty. But then we have the infantry, whom, we are twice told (14 i, 18 iii) numbered just under 6,000:
The Hypaspists
The phalanx units of Kleitos
And Koinos
The archers and
The Agrianoi
If, as has been suggested there were 4,000 hypaspists and each of the phalanx units were 2,000 we are 2,000 over strength before including the lights. Indeed, even if we keep the Hypaspists at 3,000 and the phalanxes at 1,500, there is no room for the lights! A solution is at hand, though, if we consider Koinos’ unit to have been mis-identified as a phalanx unit at 12 ii; not difficult were it styled the generic ‘taxis’ Arrian could easily have thought it a phalanx unit as he came across the reference in conjunction with Kleitos’ unit (taxis) which was a phalanx unit. 4,000 hypaspists and 2,000 phalangites remain out of the question; 3,000 hypaspists and 1.500 phalangites leaves room for 500 each of archers and Agrianoi, neither a chiliarchy, then and the supposed reforms at Satrapene binned by the Hydaspes OR they were mis-reported by Curtius.

I have already given one way the confusion could have arisen; if the promotion were to both chiliarch and pentekosiarch, it would be the method that was new not the rank: conversely scribes/copyists frequently revert to short-hand, ‘IIIIremus’ for ‘quadreme’ for instance, and these notations are very susceptible to corruption. The Greek sign for 500 is phi that for 1,000 a subscript-iota alpha quite simple to confuse, be the error a copyist’s or Curtius’ own.

Hephaistion’s chiliarchy is, indeed, a digression, all I will say is that apart from that one passage his unit is consistently styled a hipparchy. That Alexander would invent a post to keep from hurting his feelings is gay-love fantasy and belongs in the Mills and Boon section; Alexander was so concerned with Hephaistion’s feelings that he sided with his opponents in two public spats with Eumenes and Krateros , going so far as to publicly declare that Hephaistion would be nothing without him. The Alexander concerned for the feelings of others does not emerge from my reading of the sources (this does not preclude shows of concern to further his own purpose, of course). :lol:
When you think about, it free-choice is the only possible option.
User avatar
Paralus
Chiliarch
Posts: 2875
Joined: Mon Sep 26, 2005 8:13 am
Location: Sydney, Australia
Contact:

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Paralus »

A post of 4,385 words, liberally spiced with a lecture on debating form.
Xenophon wrote: Your interpretation of my ‘reading’ is a mis-representation of what I wrote – I merely mentioned that POSSIBLY Philotas the chiliarch was the same as Philotas the (possible)Taxiarch. In that case he would be the only one of the named eight whose further career we hear of, and if so that would be because he became a Unit Commander, instead of just being a typically anonymous sub-unit commander. That is an example of a fallacious argument – setting up a ‘straw man’, a caricature of what was actually said that is refutable, rather than what was really said.
Thank you for the tutorial on a ‘fallacious argument’. More pleasing is your example of such in your above quoted reply. In actuality, I have not misrepresented what you wrote in any way. What I actually wrote was “On your reading, these are the only two hypaspist chiliarchs named by Arrian in the entire work”. The import is that “your reading” of Arrian’s text is that he only ever names two hypaspist chiliarchs. You clearly grasped the point because you then promptly agreed with it:
Xenophon wrote: It is correct that these two are the only named Hypaspist chiliarchs, but although not called so, Seleucus is likely a chiliarch of Hypaspists also.
It applies to the two named chiliarchs and nothing else; certainly not a parenthetic aside on Philotas’ dubious career. Seleukos has been dealt with.

Xenophon wrote: No attempt to build a case based on evidence, indeed 1700 words later and we are very little the wiser as to just what Paralus’ case is
Xenophon wrote: Paralus stated he would answer the question of where the surplus chiliarchs went - but does not ( though earlier he opined that there were "eight and eight only" chiliarchs in Curtius - "if he is correct"). Instead he now "[does]not see that chiliarchs are what is actually being discussed", instead making the problem disappear, with a vague unsupported statement, and even then does not say what emendation he would make to Curtius 'chiliarchae',
Xenophon wrote: And I do not take him too literally – see above – unlike Paralus, who can’t decide if Curtius is entirely literally true, or if Curtius has made a fundamental mistake, and doesn’t refer to ‘chiliarchies’ at all, but some other rank....all very 'fuzzy'.
Xenophon wrote: However, all this is a digression – another ‘sunburned clupeidae’, which is here used to distract from the total lack of evidence for Paralus’ rather loose, and seemingly confused position [ is Curtius referring to 8 chiilarchons or not, and if not, what? And what evidence is Curtius' "error" based on ?]
Bit like the repetitive chorus of a rap song. I actually answered the question asked – indeed I prefaced said answer with the question. The repeated assertions of “straw men” and “fallacious arguments” seem to arise because the answer is not appreciated. For the record:
Paralus wrote:That said, I must put myself within the camp of those whose views are “unlikely in the extreme”, “totally implausible”, “rather over-complicated theorems” and “lame” and who see Curtius as having muddled this notice. I do not see that ‘chiliarchs’ are what is actually being discussed. Indeed, I believe that such relatively senior commanders will have been selected by the king sans contest as Diodorus implies. Those below may compete for the next level.
It is clear that you understand what this position is for you have expended much energy and many words painting it “lame” amongst other descriptions. I cannot understand the strident demands or the repetition of same. As to “some other rank....all very 'fuzzy'”, I might have thought the “the next level” (below the chiliarchs selected by Alexander) was as plain as the nose on one’s face. And this, too, you well understand – despite your faux uncertainty – as your excursus on ‘pentakosiarchy’ indicates.

You will note that in the answer I say that I do not believe it is chiliarchs that is being discussed but the next level down. The constant demand for an explanation of where the other ‘chiliarchs’ are placed is irrelevant – I don’t believe Curtius’ source was discussing chiliarchs. Whilst we’re on this it is perhaps beneficial if I clear up one of your constant misunderstandings. I have consistently qualified my discussion of “Curtius’ evidence” with such terms as “if we accept” or “if correct”. It’s pretty simple really. You take Curtius at his word: that he writes of a contest for chiliarchs. I do not – as I’ve written. So, if you take Curtius as describing chiliarchs, eight such are appointed. More on this follows.
Xenophon wrote: How do you know that the Taxiarch did not command one 'chiliarchy', leaving just one chiliarch to command the second in each Taxis, for example ? There are several permutations possible.
You have stated:
Xenophon wrote: Chiliarchies are indeed created [Curtius V.3] "the first time the forces were divided into that number." ( note: forces, not Hypaspists ).
“Curtius’ evidence” is:
To ensure that his men did not grow idle and lose their spirit, he appointed judges and established prizes of a novel kind for a competition based on military courage – those adjudged to possess the greatest valour would win command of individual units of a thousand men and be called 'chiliarchs'. This was the first time the Macedonian troops [or “the forces”] had been thus divided numerically…
You have stressed that the entire forces were so organised (“forces, not Hypaspists”), going so far as to include the archers and the cavalry in making the point. You say that what Curtius actually means here is that the reorganisation at this time is “not the only, but the first of perhaps many” such times chiliarchies were created. In other words, the forces were so organised at this time but not all of them? In fact, if we accept Curtius’ evidence, it far more likely means exactly what is says: that the Macedonian forces had not been organised in thousands before this reorganisation. Something Cutius makes plain by saying that prior to this reorganisation they were brigaded differently with commanders not chosen on merit.
Xenophon wrote:
Paralus wrote: What then to make of the following?

Xenophon wrote:That ‘chiliarchs’ were appointed on other occasions cannot be doubted – Antiochus and Nearchus weren’t appointed at Susa/Sittakene for a start, nor in all probability the archers.
The only reason you “know this” and that “it cannot be doubted” is that Curtius does not name them amongst his eight ‘chiliarchs’. So then, was it a case of no “existing commanders to accommodate into the new structure” or did Alexander decide only to reorganise one half of his Guard unit? Best not be taking Curtius too literally here.
And I do not take him too literally – see above – unlike Paralus, who can’t decide if Curtius is entirely literally true, or if Curtius has made a fundamental mistake, and doesn’t refer to ‘chiliarchies’ at all, but some other rank....all very 'fuzzy'. Also an example of a false dichotomy.This is also an example of a ‘straw man’ argument again – setting up a caricature of what I actually meant, so that Paralus can refute his own artificial argument, by rhetorical question.
This is becoming reflexive: whenever something disagrees with your view it is either a ‘red herring’, a ‘fallacious argument’ or a ‘false dichotomy’. Here I seem to have won the quinella: a combination of the last two.

If, in your own words, the appointment of chiliarchs on other (later) occasions “cannot be doubted” because “Antiochus and Nearchus weren’t appointed at Susa/Sittakene for a start, nor in all probability the archers”, it is axiomatic that this is because Curtius does not name them. You yourself say so. The question then remains: was it a case of no “existing commanders to accommodate into the new structure” or did Alexander decide only to reorganise a part of ‘the forces’ here?

Given the above,it might pay to summarise your position(s) with respect to this evidence:
  • The entire forces were organised into chiliarchies but, as eight only are named, it was done ‘piecemeal’ (to use Agesilaos’ descriptive term): eight here, the many others needed at some other time(s).

    Whilst only eight are named by Curtius, chiliarchs were appointed to all the forces from “existing commanders” who were accommodated into “the new structure” and did not need to be named.

    Only one chiliarch needed to be found for each phalanx battalion because perhaps the taxiarch was also the other chiliarch.
Many “permutations” indeed.
Xenophon wrote: And since there were ‘chiliarchies’ of archers, they can hardly be commanded by anything other than chiliarchs. Tactically, the archers were usually split into two units – one for each wing, so that when these were 1,000 strong, they were likely made up of two ‘lochoi’, and when 2,000 strong, two chiliarchies, as we are told.
We have no information on how the archers were formed up. As Agesilaos has pointed out, the archers seem always to be brigaded in thousands (2,000 at 1.6.6). They are always spoken of as “the archers”, “all the archers”, “half the archers”, “a few of the archers” and “some of the archers”. Once, and once only, are they spoken of as two chiliarchies (4.24.10) when immediately before they’d been referred to as “the archers”. Afterwards they are only ever again referred to as all, some, half, etc. of the archers. Similar applies to the Agrianians (“the thousand Agrianians and the archers” of 4.25.6) though, were these – like the archers a part of “the forces” – organised into a chiliarchy, Arrian refuses to describe them as such.
Xenophon wrote: Are you seriously suggesting that Curtius’ source could mistake “Commander of 1,000” for “Commander of 500” or perhaps some other sub-unit ??
Are you seriously suggesting that Curtius could not have muddled his source? Curtius’ source might well have described the appointment of chiliarchs and a competition for a lower rank based on merit. Just as the ranks on merit in the cavalry are lower ranks.
Xenophon wrote: (How can 8 chiliarchs apply to one half of the Hypaspists? Shome mishtake shurely ? Is this a reference to the fact that only 2 of the eight have known associations with Hypaspists?)
An either or situation: either four chiliarchs are appointed to the hypaspists leaving two phalanx battalions to share four or two chiliarchs are appointed to the hypaspists and three phalanx brigades (not four – the ‘mishtake’) share the other six.
Xenophon wrote:
paralus wrote:As I’ve noted, Curtius is the only source to record this “competition”. Diodorus records only that Alexander “wanted to advance some officers and to strengthen the forces by the number and the ability of the commanders. This he effected. He scrutinized closely the reports of good conduct and promoted many from a high military command to an even higher responsibility, so that by giving all the commanders greater prestige he bound them to himself by strong ties of affection” (17.65.2-3). Clearly, as I note above, existing officers competed here. Now, Diodorus (book 17) and Curtius are universally agreed to have shared a common source. Whilst it is not unlikely that the Sicilian has edited out Curtius’ list of “chiliarchs”, it is surprising that he fails to mention any such reorganisation. On your own statement, Diodorus never uses “chiliarch” until book 18. Are we to suppose it was a term of Hieronymus? Working from a common source, that is a concern.
These are but minor quibbles, and none of us can decide why a particular source mentions a particular matter, whilst others do not – witness the fact that Arrian all but passes over these events altogether.( see above) Perhaps Curtius drew on another source for this particular passage, we simply don’t know.


You might see it as a ‘minor quibble’ but it is strange that working from the same source Diodorus never mentions chiliarchs – only the appointment of officers on merit a la the cavalry. Your suggestion of Curtius using another source is not at all likely. The numbers of troops in both sources are the same (apart from the Peloponnesian cavalry)and Curtius even backs up Diodorus’ 50 pages.
Xenophon wrote:The comparison with Prandi is simply ‘mud slinging’ – another form of poor argument.
Well, you actually wrote: “Do you, for example, subscribe to the lame theory that Curtius ‘must have’ meant pentekosiarchs?” The direct implication of this is that were I to subscribe to this theory my own position is ‘lame’.

Actually, Prandi compares favourably even though she attacks method:
in the last twenty years, more or less isolated voices have proposed to place him during the reign of Philadelphus, or in the second half of the 3rd century B.C. Unfortunately, these theories have never examined in depth the evidence in favour of the high dating
I see it as fairly similar.
Xenophon wrote:Despite the hundred years or so between Alexander and Polybius, there is remarkable consistency between the structure described in the manual and the sources for Alexander’s army.
“Hundred or so years”? That, I’m afraid, is a compression of convenience.

I know you see Hephaestion’s chiliarchy as a ‘red herring’ (even though you adduced it as an example of all the forces being organised into chiliarchies), but something needs clearing up.
Xenophon wrote: …after Philotas’ execution, command of the Companions, then some 2,000 strong, is divided into two between Hephaistion and Cleitus, so that each commands a thousand. These new units do not at first have a name, hence are called generic ‘hipparchia duo’[two cavalry commands].
You are persistent in presenting this as Alexander dividing the Companion cavalry into two units called “generic hipparchia duo”. This is incorrect. Arrian is clear that Alexander divided the command of the cavalry between two men. ἱππάρχας δύο does not refer to cavalry units at all. It refers to the two men: Hephaestion and Kleitos who are the ‘hipparkhas duo’. He does not create ‘hipparchia duo’ no matter how much you’d like him to. Alexander then partitioned the ‘taxis’ of the hetairoi between these two (διελὼν τὴν τάξιν τῶν ἑταίρων).
Xenophon wrote: As the thread progressed, and I researched further I began to question the assumption that he must also have commanded the Hetairoi, because nowhere does he do so, nor is he ever called such in our best sources [ only in Diodorus after Alexander’s death, by analogy with Perdiccas as ‘Chiliarch’, who really was commander of the Hetairoi at that time.]
Well, we already have a new (unidentified) source for Curtius posited and now Hephaestion is never described as having led the entire cavalry in “our best sources”. The Sicilian (18.3.4) is clear:
He placed Seleucus in command of the cavalry of the Companions, a most distinguished office; for Hephaestion commanded them first, Perdiccas after him, and third the above-named Seleucus.
There is no analogy here at all. Diodorus starkly says that Hephaestion had commanded the Companion cavalry first and that Perdikkas succeeded him with Seleukos succeeding Perdikkas. Appian says exactly the same thing and Plutarch confirms it (see the literary evidence I posted earlier). On what grounds do you dismiss this (and the other evidence)? Oddly enough, you seem to have no qualms accepting that Perdikkas “really was commander of the Hetairoi at that time”. What evidence do you base that on?
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

Academia.edu
User avatar
Xenophon
Hetairos (companion)
Posts: 847
Joined: Fri Jul 03, 2009 3:16 am

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Xenophon »

As can be seen, I am now almost a full page behind in this thread, struggling in vain to keep up with two prolific posters. I hope they won’t take it amiss if I now deal peremptorily with these posts rather than do them the courtesy of responding in the detail which they deserve. I briefly set out what I believe to be the most likely structure of Alexander’s Hypaspists in an earlier post of Dec 26, which I will repeat for the reader’s convenience.
Xenophon wrote:
My thoughts are that originally, there were two ' lochoi' of the 'Agema' a.k.a 'Agema of the Makedones' and 'Agema Basilikoi', and two lochoi of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi' a.k.a 'Hypaspists' for short, making 2,000 Hypaspists in all[ see e.g. I.8.3 and I.8.4], and that later these were expanded to the 'Agema', and 3 chiliarchies of 'Hypaspists Basilikoi', for a total of 4,000 Hypaspists [Thus Antiochus can command his own chiliarchy and two others at VII.25.6, the 'Agema' presumably, as always, with Alexander; see also V.23.7 when we have 3 chiliarchies of Hypaspists under Ptolemy's command; at IV.24.10 we have Ptolemy with "one third of the Hypsapists Basilikoi" i.e. a chiliarchy, again excluding the Agema with Alexander; At IV.21.3 and VI.22.1 Alexander has "half the Hypaspists" i.e. the Agema and one other chiliarchy, leaving two other chiliarchies.
I shall elaborate on this structure, and the reasons behind it, in a separate post.
Agesilaos wrote:

Which brings us to Xenophon's alleged use of 'chiliarchos' in a Greek context, you need to supply the reference, all I can find are Persian contexts, a swathe in the 'Kyropaideia' and one in chapter 4 of Oeconomica, which is also discussing Persian organisation, though fiscal rather than military. It remains 'explaining away', though because in your model none of the 'forces' numeri, were organised into chiliarchia before Satrapene, or are the mercenaries, now not to be included in the 'forces'?
ALL of Xenophon’s usages are in a Greek context, of course. ‘Chiliarchy’ is a Greek word for a unit 1,000 strong ( the Persian equivalent is ‘hazarabam’ ). In the Cyropaedia, the ‘Persians’ are a thinly disguised Spartan army, and Xenophon uses the Greek word for a unit of 1,000 – ‘chiliarchy’ inter alia when describing them. The reference in Oeconomica is military:
IV.7 “The officers, whether commanders of garrisons or of regiments/chiliarchies or viceroys/satraps, who turn out with a full complement of men and parade them equipped with horses and arms/oplois in good condition, he promotes in the scale of honour and enriches with large grants of money.
From a slightly earlier reference to ‘mercenaries’ and the fact that these troops ( unlike native Persians) are heavy-armed i.e. hoplites, it is clear that these chiliarchies are most likely Greek Hoplites.

Since the term ‘chiliarchy was known and being used by Greek writers e.g. Xenophon long before Alexander’s time, when Curtius says “this being the first time that the forces were divided into that number” he must be referring to native Macedonian forces, as we would expect.

As to the generic meaning of ‘lochos’ we agreed it could mean many different sizes of ‘company/bunch/body’ of men. Some time back, I also established that in a Macedonian infantry context, it most likely was a sub-unit of a ‘Taxis’, probably about 500 strong in this instance
.[ see e.g. Arrian II.10.2 and II.9.6 for Alexander addressing his ‘lochagoi’ of the infantry and ‘Ilarchs’ of the cavalry; IV.2.1 for the infantry ‘lochoi’ preparing a set number of scaling ladders each; VI.27.6 for distribution of camels to sub-units; ‘ekatostys’/hundreds of cavalry and ‘lochoi’ of infantry, and a similar distribution of rations at VII.24.4, and finally, the proposed replacement of Macedonian ‘lochous’ by Persian ones at VII.11.3. Also Curtius V.2.3 for the size of the sub-unit as 500 ]
Agesilaos wrote:
Xenophon wrote: "I’d agree the distribution ‘kata ethne’ clearly indicates the ‘taxeis’ of the phalanx were originally organised on a territorial/tribal basis, but we know at least one additional ‘taxis’ was formed. Is it likely that one third of the reinforcements were from a single territory ? This must mean that the seventh ( and possible eighth taxis) were probably not from a single territory. Officers too were no longer appointed 'ethne' ( see below).
The arithmetic outlined above by Agesilaos falls down because it seems that many, if not most, of the replacements went into the existing ‘taxeis’, who of course already had officers. Rather than try to force square pegs into round holes with this passage, we need only observe that 8 chiliarchs were appointed to the army on this single occasion ( which would require around two dozen or so in all ). These are clearly not the only ‘chiliarchs’ – there are references to ‘chiliarchies’ of archers and of Companion cavalry, and Arrian and Curtius between them name ten ‘chiliarchs’, so that others must have been appointed on other occasions. Agesilaos’ speculative reasoning as to why Alexander would not appoint officers on merit to ‘ethnic’ units falls down at once since according to Curtius Alexander did exactly that : “..Alexander made many changes of the greatest advantage. For whereas before the cavalry were enrolled each man in his own race(i.e. ethne), apart from the rest, he gave up the separation by nations (ethne) and assigned them to commanders not necessarily of their own people, but of his own choice.”[V.2.6]
...and what applied to the cavalry likely applied to the infantry too, for the same reasons."


Distribution of the infantry 'kata ethne' indicates that the phalanx was organised along territorial lines at Satrapene, which pretty much blows your closing remark clear out of the water, what went for the cavalry did NOT go for the foot. Nor is there anything unusual about a whole territorial unit being sent out, any more than there was in Alexander taking six of them in the first place! However, since the re-inforcement figures are mirrored by Diodoros, we may almost certainly assume that they come from Kleitarchos and should be treated with the utmost scepticism, not least because the recruiting grounds for half of them had been in revolt at the time they were allegedly recruited. One thing the existing units did not have according to Curtius were any chiliarchs, since this was the first occaision they were created, thus it is your own mathematics that is found sadly lacking.
As can be seen, Alexander was intent on increasing his control of the army. There would be no point in just doing this for the cavalry only. He could hardly dismiss all his ‘taxiarchs’, or even replace them one by one, but he could and probably did appoint a new command level just below them – chiliarchs “of his own choice.”

A moment’s thought shows that an army/six taxeis drawn from the kingdom as a whole, and a brigade drawn entirely from one sixth of the kingdom are not the same thing at all. This is a completely false analogy. The former spreads the manpower load evenly across the kingdom, the latter means one territory supplying twice as many soldiers as the others! Such a situation was neither economically, politically or socially acceptable, or even possible, especially as Macedonian manpower was strained to the utmost as it was by Alexander’s ambitions and demands. The 6,000 re-inforcements [Arrian III.16; Diodorus XVII.65; Curtius V.1 ] that Amyntas brought must have been drawn equally from all the territories.
Nor can one validly draw the conclusion that Curtius’ reference to 4,000 Peloponnesian mercenaries must be treated with scepticism because of the Spartan King Agis’ revolt – to begin with the dating of this is not certain ( 331 or 330 BC), moreover many Peloponnesian states were “anti –Spartan”, and lastly Greek politics and wars never interrupted the flow of Greek mercenaries to countries such as Persia and Egypt.

Finally, I did NOT say or imply that these troops had 'chiliarchs' when they arrived. What I wrote, was:
“we need only observe that 8 chiliarchs were appointed to the army on this single occasion ( which would require around two dozen or so in all ).”
The latter figure is based on the fact of 6 or 7 taxeis requiring perhaps 12 or 14 chiliarchs, or half that many if the Taxiarchs led one chiliarchy personally, plus a couple for the archers, plus 4 for the Hypaspists and maybe a couple or three for the light infantry and is purely a ‘ball-park’ figure. Nothing wrong with my arithmetic.

Agesilaoes wrote:
"τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς τοὺς βασιλικούς, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Σέλευκος"

The King's Own Hypaspists, of whom Seleukos was the leader

He really means the third of the King's Own Hypaspists of whom Seleukos was the officer, strange that he does not merit a mention when Niarchos and Antichos take three chiliarchis into action, despite being important enough to share Alexander's boat.
There are many explanations for why Seleucus was not present with the other two.[ e.g. at the Hydaspes crossing he accompanied Alexander as a close 'somatophylax', along with Perdiccas and Lysimachus, so these men were not with their units]
Since we are not told of his presence, we may surmise that he was not there. Since we are not told why he wasn't there, further speculation is futile.
That you will ignore the tripartite division into Royal Agema, Royal Hypaspists and other hypaspists I take as a given ('alloi hypaspistai' not 'alloi basilikoi hypaspistai'), so it is no surprise that you cannot join the dots of a model where every hypaspist not in the agema is 'Royal' and Seleukos is commander of the Royal hypaspists that that is as near to being Archihypaspist as it gets, even for Nikanor...
Yes, that's why I put the 'basilkoi' in brackets !
Indeed, there was no tripartite division of the Hypaspists, which I will elaborate on in a further post. That is why the debate between Boswell and Hammond on the subject was particularly pointless – both were quite wrong !!
And then you end by making a technical term of 'taxis' again and making it two chiliarchies.... you are right, deja vue .
We have established that ‘Taxis’ is generally speaking, a generic term for a body of marshalled troops, and I earlier gave a complete breakdown of Arrian’s usage of the term, including the fact that 63 of 87 usages are to describe a specific unit of the Macedonian phalanx, probably some 2,000 strong.....

‘nuff said !!
User avatar
Xenophon
Hetairos (companion)
Posts: 847
Joined: Fri Jul 03, 2009 3:16 am

Re: Neoptolemos: the invisible Archihypaspist

Post by Xenophon »

Paralus wrote:
We do not know how large the agema was. This was the king's personal foot guard and it is far more likely to be a small unit part of and distinct from the whole (a la the ile basilke). On "Curtius' evidence" it is just as likely as not to have been pentikosiarchy for the "forces", we must remember, were organised in this fashion prior to Sittakene. It doesn't necessarily follow that the king's personal guard was enlarged via these reinforcements; indeed, depending upon its recruitment, it may well not have been enlarged.
I disagree. On any interpretation of Curtius, the Hypaspists were re-organised into units of 1,000 men - three chiliarchies, in fact. That the Agema was too is clearly inferred from Alexander taking “half the hypaspists” i.e the Agema and one other chiliarchy, leaving the other half as the remaining two chiliarchies. [e.g Arrian V.13.1 and VI.21.3 ]. These fractions simply don’t work unless the Agema numbered 1,000 – a chiliarchy – also. The Agema can’t have been a mere ‘lochos/pentekosiarchy’ strong.

The rest of this post simply does not logically follow. The ‘other’ Hypaspists are those that Seleucus does not command ( there is absolutely no evidence that he commands all ).

The same applies to Agesilaos’ next post. As I shall refer to in a forthcoming post on the structure of the Hypaspists, all ‘Hypaspists’ are ‘Hypaspists Basilikoi’, something I have demonstrated previously.

I agree with Paralus’ next post – any proposed explanation must account for Ptolemy being given “one third” of the Hypaspists, and I also agree that the “Silver Shields” are never associated with an Agema – the inner bodyguard that always goes with the King in Alexander’s day, and, we may surmise, with the ‘two Kings’ subsequently.

I disagree with Agesilaos’ next post – there is a simple explanation which accounts for both Ptolemy being given “one third” of the Hypaspists and Alexander having “half the Hypaspists” without postulating six chiliarchies !!

The next two posts of Ageilaos and Paralus are not overly relevant, being pure speculation, and not evidence based.

A good example of flawed methods is represented by Agesilaos' post of 29 Dec. Here he calculates that the number of oxen ( 230,0000 ) sent to Macedon cannot be so on the basis that 1 ox needs 40 acres to support it. However, as he also points out this number can vary enormously - in fact from 2 acres per cow, to over 100 acres per cow on, for example, some of the larger ranches here in Australia. With such variants, one cannot begin to estimate the number of oxen supportable in ancient times by the Swat valley ( e..rr..rr define the same before approximating its area ). It is not necessary to resort to such flawed methods to realise that a number such as 230,000 is obviously hopelessly exaggerated ( I leave it to Agesilaos to work out the daily water requirements of such a herd, even split up into smaller numbers, to allow water supplies to recover before the next 'batch' is sent !!).

To then assume that the same proportion of exaggeration is applied to troop numbers as to oxen is the height of illogical methodology - there is absolutely no link between the two figures! This is the logical error of confusing association with causation, and also a false analogy. In fact there is no possible link between the exaggerated numbers of oxen and the possible numbers of troops !!
Last edited by Xenophon on Thu Jan 02, 2014 1:41 pm, edited 1 time in total.
Post Reply