Reasons why Alexander was great?

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Phoebus
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Post by Phoebus »

Surprise, surprise! Two different sources; two different stories. :lol:

EDIT: Sorry, I forgot to mention my source. I was going off of Plutarch, whose "Life of Alexander" I luckily have backed up on my laptop.

Thanks for looking it up, though Semiramis--it's frustrating not having my books with me. Our transportation office here in Aviano says I'll likely have to do without for another 1-3 weeks. :(

Interesting (and thoughtful; kudos!) point you raise about his contemporaries' opinion, Semiramis. It obviously wasn't a flattering one where many vocal individuals and entities are concerned... but then again theirs weren't very parallel mindsets, were they?

Though centuries removed from Achilles, Alexander and his friends operated in an environment very much like what Homer describes--where passions often intersected with politics, and hard-fighting aristocrats (sometimes with lauded lineage) who led from the front and got into just as much trouble as any contemporary of Odysseus', Diomedes', etc.

To the proper, well-read, and (at least would-be) insightful southern Hellenes, Alexander and most of his cohorts would have come off as a bunch of backwater, cattle-hustling, polygamous, incestuous, perverse bandit-warriors. Any comparison of Phillip, his son, or their companions with "that peerless runner", the warrior who was as elegant with the harp as he was deadly with a spear, would have evoked a cynical laugh.

Of course, just as they weren't so fair and objective with their critiques of Phillip, those same southern Hellenes would have ignored the many parallels between Achilles and his supposed descendant... The former, like the latter, was also the product of estranged parents from a strained marriage. Achilles would not have much more than an impervious Ajax had it not been for Chiron; similarly it's difficult to envision Alexander as much more than a younger Phillip without Aristotle. Finally, and maybe more importantly, Achilles, for all his celebrated virtues (at least in the 4th century BCE Hellene mind), was a ruthless, even merciless, warrior who killed, mutilated, desecrated, even raped (IIRC), and put the lives of tens of thousands of his comrades in jeopardy for the sake of his pride and vanity.

No, I don't believe that we would be able to trust the judgement of such men over Alexander. ;)

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P.
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Post by amyntoros »

LadyA wrote:I'm curious as to why anyone would judge any historical figure but especially Alexander by "our standards"? I always thoughthe point of studying history was to see the world through the eyes of those who lived it. It's when we start judging them by modern standars that words like amoral start coming into play.
Semiramis wrote:[This is an excellent point. What did the Greeks of Alexander's time think of him? How was he judged in the eyes of his coevals from the land of Homer? :)
Phoebus wrote:Of course, just as they weren't so fair and objective with their critiques of Phillip, those same southern Hellenes would have ignored the many parallels between Achilles and his supposed descendant... The former, like the latter, was also the product of estranged parents from a strained marriage. Achilles would not have much more than an impervious Ajax had it not been for Nestor; similarly it's difficult to envision Alexander as much more than a younger Phillip without Aristotle. Finally, and maybe more importantly, Achilles, for all his celebrated virtues (at least in the 4th century BCE Hellene mind), was a ruthless, even merciless, warrior who killed, mutilated, desecrated, even raped (IIRC), and put the lives of tens of thousands of his comrades in jeopardy for the sake of his pride and vanity.

No, I don't believe that we would be able to trust the judgement of such men over Alexander. ;)
Now there's the rub – why should we trust the judgment of any group of ancients? Each will have a different perspective according to their circumstances. How did the Athenians judge him whilst chafing at the bit at having to answer to a monarch from the north? What about the judgment of his generals, who profited greatly from his friendship and his generosity? How (and during which period of the campaign) did his Macedonians judge him? What of the Greek mercenaries ordered to permanently man outposts on the furthest reaches of the empire? How did the Persians judge him before he had succeeded in capturing their lands? And how did they judge him afterwards once he established his rule over them? How would a mother of the Branchidae have judged him just before one of his men struck down the children clinging to her clothing?

Obviously we should not trust any of their judgments, but we can make the effort to understand them.

Even today we have so many diverse views on Alexander. Between the many scholars who write on Alexander, the fictional representations, and the diverse participants on this forum we have an Alexander who in one extreme is seen as a despot, a villain, completely unredeemable. In the other extreme we have an Alexander in ruby red slippers, travelling the yellow brick road of the Asian campaign! Why the diversity? Curious thing, isn't it, considering that the very same sources are available to everyone? A scholar once told me that in his experience most people's views, knowingly or otherwise, are shaped by the very first book they ever read on Alexander. That may be true or not. I can't speak for myself because I don’t remember! I won't say how many years ago it was because of the "old fogey" remarks on another thread, :oops: but when I first discovered him at the age of ten I assume I saw him as a real life fairytale prince, especially given the nature of the books which would have been available to me at the time. I can safely say that my thoughts about him have changed since then. :wink:

Let's face it, we can't trust the judgment of anyone but ourselves. Ancient or modern, it doesn't make a difference. Well … that first sentence is not strictly true either. Better just to offer our opinions and realize that they may be subject to change, lest sitting in judgment comes back to bite us, one way or the other. :lol:

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Post by Phoebus »

Good words, Amyntoros! I will admit that I got carried away with the Homeric aspect of the comparison. Truth be told, I doubt most of his Hellenic contemporaries judged him against the Homeric heroes he idolized... :oops: / :lol:
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Post by marcus »

Semiramis wrote:
Arrian - section 3.21.6-22.2 wrote:Alexander himself then started off again at dusk with all the speed he could make, and covering some eighty kilometers in the course of the night, came up with the Persians just as dawn was breaking.

They were straggling along unarmed; only a few made any offer of resistance; most of them incontinently fled the moment they saw it was Alexander himself who was upon them. Those who attempted to fight also made off after losing a few men. Bessus and his friends did not at once abandon the attempt to get Darius away in the wagon, but when Alexander was close upon them, Nabarzanes and Barsaentes struck him down and left him and made their escape with 600 horsemen. The wound proved fatal, and Darius died shortly afterwards, before Alexander could see him.

Alexander sent Darius' body to Persepolis to be buried in the royal tombs, like the kings before him. [...] Such was the end of Darius; he died in July, during the archonship of Aristophon in Athens.
Take care :)
If Bessus had had Darius killed and then surrendered to Alexander, Alexander might have forgiven him. As it was, Bessus set himself up with the tiara and assumed the mantle as king of Asia, in direct competition to Alexander. That couldn't be forgiven!

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Post by LadyA »

Perception is a two edged sword in that it can and often does cut firmly and at times rather unfarily on the side of ones own prejudices. To judge Alexander by modern standards of behavior does him and his dees (good or bad) a disservice in that it supposes our way is more civilised and therefore right.

I've always found it facsinating that given everyone has the same source material to go from that there are so many diverse opinions about Alexander. To me it speaks to the level of his influence. I think what makes Alexander great is that we're still trying to understand him and what he did.

What connects us to the ancients on the subject of Alexander is the wide range of opnions and perceptions of him. I think the exterems of emotion concerning this King has been mirrored by every generation since his time, the debate will never end concerning him and what he accomplished or why he was so driven.
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Post by Paralus »

karen wrote: He regretted burning Persepolis; note that it brought him no strategic advantage; as Parmenion noted, he was destroying his own property. (I'm in the camp that believes the Thais story, that it was a drunken impulse.)
And I would be in the Pierre Briant camp that sees this act as a deliberate act aimed at the Persians themselves.

The Persians were long attached to their ancestral capital. The legends of their Achaemenid kings swirled around the porticos of Persepolis: each Great King added his own rooms, buildings and lustre to the “acropolis” of Persepolis. The city was the statement of the Persian kings.

Alexander had faced serious resistance in the heartland of the empire. The obvious comes to mind in the Persian gates but there were others. The spring offensive carried out by Alexander (in 330) indicates the enmity felt towards the invader. Curtius describes the devastation of fields and the reduction of towns and Diodorus (17.73.1) describes Alexander reducing poleis by storm or accepting the surrender of others.

At the conclusion of this offensive, Alexander burns the palaces. This act marks the final termination of Achaemenid grandeur and is a wiping of the slate as far as Achaemenid imperial propaganda is concerned.

The final great symbol of the now dead Achaemenid power is erased.
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Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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Post by karen »

But Alexander's central policy with Persia was not destruction but co-optation. Same empire, under new management -- that's why he dressed like what they knew as a Great King. He rehired all the bureaucracy, co-opted people such as Oxyartes, Mazaios, Nabarzanes etc etc etc., brought Persians into the army enough to cause a mutiny among the Makedonians and put in place plans to bring Persian blood into the Makedonian noble families... so as to keep the empire functional both in the short term when he was away and in the long term by long-term co-optation. The more exact symbolism would have been planting his butt in the throne of the Great Kings -- which of course he did do. Burning down the palace was superfluous.

To me the most precise sign as to whether something Alexander did was calculated -- whether he saw it as necessary -- or not was whether we know he regretted it. I think he regretted virtually nothing that he decided was necessary -- or at least didn't show it -- else he'd have shown remorse about things like the assassination of Parmenion, the razing of Thebes (being nice to Thebans thereafter is not the same as regretting), the massacre of the Branchidai, etc. We are told he did regret burning the palace... that means he wanted it known that in his own mind he'd screwed up.
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Post by Fiona »

amyntoros wrote: Even today we have so many diverse views on Alexander. Between the many scholars who write on Alexander, the fictional representations, and the diverse participants on this forum we have an Alexander who in one extreme is seen as a despot, a villain, completely unredeemable. In the other extreme we have an Alexander in ruby red slippers, travelling the yellow brick road of the Asian campaign! Why the diversity? Curious thing, isn't it, considering that the very same sources are available to everyone? A scholar once told me that in his experience most people's views, knowingly or otherwise, are shaped by the very first book they ever read on Alexander. That may be true or not. I can't speak for myself because I don’t remember! I won't say how many years ago it was because of the "old fogey" remarks on another thread, :oops: but when I first discovered him at the age of ten I assume I saw him as a real life fairytale prince, especially given the nature of the books which would have been available to me at the time. I can safely say that my thoughts about him have changed since then.
Amazing, isn't it? Same sources - same very slight sources - and a multitude of different opinions, of every shade.
Isn't this partly because all of them are true? I may be firmly in the 'ruby red slippers' camp, but I acknowledge the truths that lead others to the opposite position. Isn't this his eternal fascination, that he is just about everything a human can be? The ruthless despot is a man who cares little for wealth for its own sake; the killing machine is a well-read and thoughtful person. The lover of Homer and glory massacred poorly-armed tribesmen; the patient besieger of Tyre lost his temper with an old friend. They're all true.

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Post by Fiona »

Semiramis wrote: About the towns, I think they were there to ensure the subjugation of the local population through the threat of immediate violence, if not real violence. As I've meantioned in the other thread, I don't see how the locals could've had access to the temples, gymnasia etc. So, no, I don't see any attempts in these buildings attempts to "benefit" the locals by forcibly "civilizing" them.
Even if the best facilties in the new cities were not intended to be shared by the local population, I still think that Alexander's policy was one of 'civilisation'. I mean that literally. I think he wanted to encourage people to live in cities. He didn't necessarily want to 'Hellenise' but he did want to 'civilise'. It's very easy to take city living for granted, and compare it unfavourably to life on the land, but that's probably not how it appeared to Greeks of Alexander's day. To them, living in cities, whether under monarchy, democracy, oligarchy or whatever, meant a community that had reached a certain level of achievement. The real enemy was chaos, which wasn't so far behind them that they didn't fear its return. Like the Titans being replaced by the Olympians, city life had replaced lawlessness and lack of social cohesion. When they came beyond the fertile crescent, Alexandrias start springing up all over the place. It seems to me that Alexander and others would have been shocked and horrified by the nomadic lifestyle of some of the peoples they encountered, seeing it as little better than roaming the earth like wild animals. That they wanted to share what they saw as the benefits of 'city-dwelling' may have been presumptuous and paternalistic of them, like Victorian missionaries giving clothes to people who preferred to go naked, but it was well-intended, I think, by their own lights.
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Post by Paralus »

karen wrote:But Alexander's central policy with Persia was not destruction but co-optation. Burning down the palace was superfluous.
Yes: when it worked. Mazaeus handed over Babylonand was rewarded. In Persis it was different. Here Alexander had to conduct a spribg offenseive whic, as the sources relate, was fairly wide ranging. this because, in the home of the Achaemenid kings, there was resistance. His politcal solutions, which had to a large extent worked elswhere, failed him here.

The burning of the palaces was the final demonstration and the final cutting off of the Persians from their imperial identity. A severe an reactionary solution.
karen wrote:To me the most precise sign as to whether something Alexander did was calculated -- whether he saw it as necessary -- or not was whether we know he regretted it. We are told he did regret burning the palace... that means he wanted it known that in his own mind he'd screwed up.
And indeed he did regret it when he returned from India. What he will have regretted was the failure of his political solution and his, most likely, heated reaction to that failure.
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Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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Post by karen »

An act born out of frustration can well be impulsive. Dare I say it, Paralus, we're agreeing.

This thread is so active and multifarious that the post I am answering below is quite a few back at this point; Amyntoros and I were talking about rape and the camp followers.
That they did also have sexual desires and the need for the company of women is surely uncontested, however their Macedonian wives (if they had them) were far away.
But the need for the company of women is not the same as the urge to rape. Obviously I need more cites.

http://media.www.utcecho.com/media/stor ... 0177.shtml
"The research clearly indicates that stranger rapists are highly situational," Eigenberg said. "That is, they tend to randomly select women who just happen to be at the wrong place at the wrong time.
Does anyone select who they're sexually attracted to randomly? Of course not.

This next paragraph not for the faint of heart... Grandmothers get raped. Babies get raped. Ugly women get raped as much as beautiful ones. Boys and other men get raped by men who are heterosexual -- sexually attracted only to women. The stats have shown this.

http://www.ndvsac.org/pages/The%20Myths ... lities.pdf
Myth: Only attractive, young women are raped.

Reality: ANYONE can be raped regardless of age, gender, physical attractiveness or mental/physical capabilities. 1 in 33 U.S. men have experienced an attempted or completed rape as a child and/or an adult. (NVAW, “Prevalence, Incidence, and Consequences of Violence Against Women,” November 1998) “More than 60,000 rapes of women older than 50 years of age are reported annually.” (Ramin, Satin, Stone, Wendel, “Sexual Assault in Postmenopausal Women,” Obstetrics and Gynecology, 1992)

Myth: Rapists are men who suffer from sexual deprivation and cannot control their sexual desires when they encounter a woman.

Reality: Rape is not a sexual desire; it is an act committed to humiliate and degrade the victim using sex as the weapon. Rapists frequently have ongoing sexual relationships with spouses or girlfriends; they rape to fulfill other needs. (US Department of Justice, “Preventing Violence Against Women,” June 1995)
Perhaps I can put it this way. When you are truly sexually attracted to a person, is not part of the attraction the desire to give them pleasure, too? The urge to rape... must be the exact opposite. Here's a guy talking about both (excerpted from The Gender Of Desire: Essays On Male Sexuality by Michael S. Kimmel):
Let's say I see a woman and she looks really pretty and really clean and sexy, and she's giving off very feminine, sexy vibes. I think, "Wow, I would love to make love to her," but I know she's not interested. It's a tease. A lot of times a woman knows that she's looking really good and she'll use that and flaunt it, and it makes me feel like she's laughing at me and I feel degraded... If I were actually desperate enough to rape somebody, it would be from wanting the person, but also it would be a very spiteful thing, just being able to say "I have power over you and I can do anything I want with you," because really I feel they have power over me just by their presence. Just the fact that they can come up to me and just melt me and make me feel like a dummy makes me want revenge. They have power over me so I want power over them.
So is his urge to rape caused by his desire? No. Its true root is anger... arising from his belief that due to his insecurity problem (her being beautiful makes him feel like a dummy, for the Gods' sakes) he has the right to have sex with her regardless of her choice, and therefore her lack of interest is a crime against him, her choice to say yes or no is "power over him." He admits it's "spiteful" -- and the message he would be sending her by raping her is not how beautiful she is and how much he desires her sexually -- but how powerful he is and how helpless she is. He's actually making the distinction quite clear.
Amyntoros wrote:I had said that Alexander "needed his army to be happy and his army desired women" and your quote above calls them a traditional reward to the army for its work in attaining the victory – part of the spoils. They wouldn't have been a reward or considered spoils if they weren't desirable in some sense and that was my meaning.
If you read again carefully you'll see that I was not talking about the women themselves as the reward, but the act of rape itself. I repeat: "The reward is not the pleasure of sex: it's the pleasure of the power trip of destruction."

But if we want to talk about the women in their persons as spoils, the desirability of a camp follower, for a man who likes to take regular power-trips, might be nothing more than her helplessness to stop him from raping her over and over and over, for years. Not to mention her usefulness for doing work for free, which is an economically-measurable reward.

I'm sure sometimes these relationships turned into something more like friendship or even love; I think much more often, for the women, they were something to be endured so as to survive, even after marriage... like many marriages are, in societies where women are not legally permitted to be independent.
Whatever the point of rape at the end of a battle, the situation that arose was that Alexander allowed his Macedonian army to take these captive women along with them. They didn't rape and then leave them behind because at the end of the campaign after Alexander offered them payment, around 10,000 of them actually married the women. Which means that once those women were attached to the train of camp followers then it was about sexual desire and/or female companionship.
This goes back to people getting rape and sex mixed up. They did back then, and they do now -- it's why it was fairly standard for psychoanalysts to think that women genuinely desired to be raped until not all that many years ago... why rape in marriage was perfectly legal until not all that long ago... why rapists got acquitted because their victims were dressed "provocatively." It's only research in the last thirty or so years that's put the lie to all this.

In my opinion, the more militarized a society, i.e. the more it believes might makes right, the more people have sex and rape confused. Part of war-training is losing your empathy in general, making you less likely to notice another person's pain. Is it possible for a man's normal sexual desire to become perverted into rape desire, so that he knows no other kind of gratification? Sure, if he's taught to inextricably associate sex with power.

We've talked often about how sex in those days was about rank, not orientation. When sex is about rank, there's always a "top" and a "bottom," there is always an element of humiliation as one is superior and the other inferior, and there can't really be free consent because of the difference in power, whatever it is -- in other words, it's a ritualized rape. So how is a boy raised to think this way ever going to know what genuine loving sex, between two people who both really want each other and choose totally freely, is? How will he ever know that pleasure is possible without the humiliation part? Unless he lucks out somehow (which I actually think Alexander did, with Hephaistion, being of similar age)........ he won't.

Is it possible for the woman to think that rape is sex, too? Sure, if, again, she has never known anything else.

He can enjoy it, and she endure it, on those terms, for years.

The residues of the confusion in our own culture -- which is moderately militarized and used to be more so -- persist in language and thought today, else we wouldn't have expressions like "sexual conquests" (applied to men only of course) or the idea that a woman who has sex with many men is somehow degraded, as if she's lost power, while a man who has sex with many women is somehow enhanced, as if he's gained it. The confusion is very deep and very pervasive, to the point that many people simply cannot imagine sex without that element of aggression on the part of the man and degradation on the part of the woman.

So I can't agree with that last sentence. How could a man fall genuinely in love with, or even have a friendship with, a woman he's raped without bitterly regretting it? Did they all somehow come to terms with this? I doubt that somehow (though I imagine some of them did). It would have been more about possessing and being possessed than true companionship, and in a culture where women were legally property (or an attempted fusion of two cultures in both of which women were legally property) that could extend right into marriage.
There's been some argument on previous threads that (some of) these women might have gone willingly. The point that I was making was that these "relationships" began with rape and that is a fact that is usually ignored on the forum.
Well, even if it's a tiny minority who went willingly, that's some. I can't imagine that some such pairings weren't due to prostitutes who originally attached themselves to the army for business reasons but got involved with one particular man (in fact we have an recorded example in Thais), women somehow rendered unmarriageable in their home towns seeking opportunities with the army, widows, or who knows what. If Philip's Illyrian wife Audata was any indication, among the Illyrians at least there might have been women warriors. There may even have been soldiers who claimed women captives but never raped them, nor had sex until marrying them, because they were either not interested in rape or averse due to earlier bad experiences of their own. I would imagine the majority started out with rape as you say, but we shouldn't erase the exceptions to that tendency entirely. (I might be speaking from the novelist's perspective here; exceptions always make for interesting subplots and throwaways...)

Warmly,
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Post by Semiramis »

Phoebus, Great post! I could almost visualize the picture you paint of Macedonia.
Phoebus wrote:Surprise, surprise! Two different sources; two different stories. :lol:

EDIT: Sorry, I forgot to mention my source. I was going off of Plutarch, whose "Life of Alexander" I luckily have backed up on my laptop.

Thanks for looking it up, though Semiramis--it's frustrating not having my books with me. Our transportation office here in Aviano says I'll likely have to do without for another 1-3 weeks. :(
Plutarch Lives wrote:The pursuit of Darius (330 B.C.)

He now, as we said, set forth to seek Darius, expecting he should be put to the hazard of another battle, but heard he was taken and kept prisoner by Bessus, upon which news he sent home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess of two thousand talents over and above the pay that was due to them. This long and painful pursuit of Darius (in eleven days he marched thirty-three hundred furlongs) taxed his soldiers so much that most of them were ready to give it up, chiefly for want of water.

While they were in this distress, it happened that some Macedonians who had fetched
water in skins upon their mules from a river they had found out came about noon to the place where Alexander was, and seeing him almost choked with thirst, presently filled an helmet and offered it him. He asked them to whom they were carrying the water. They told him to their children, adding, that if his life were but saved, it was no matter for them, as they should be able well enough to repair that loss, even if all their children perished. Then he took the helmet into his hands, and looking round about, when he saw all those who were near him stretching their heads out and looking earnestly after the drink, he returned it again with thanks without tasting a drop of it. "For," said he, "if I alone drink, the rest will be out of heart."

The soldiers no sooner took notice of his temperance and magnanimity upon this
occasion, but they one and all cried out to him to lead them forward boldly, and began whipping on their horses. For whilst they had such a king they said they defied both weariness and thirst, and looked upon themselves to be little less than immortal.

But though they were all equally cheerful and willing, yet not above three-score horse were able, it is said, to keep up, and to fall in with Alexander upon the enemy's camp, where they rode over abundance of gold and silver that lay scattered about, and passing by a great many chariots full of women that wandered here and there for want of drivers, they endeavoured to overtake the first of those that fled, in hopes to meet with Darius among them. And at last, after much trouble, they found him lying in a chariot, wounded all over with darts, just at the point of death. However, he desired they would give him some drink, and when he had drunk a little cold water, he told Polystratus, who gave it him, that it had become the last extremity of his ill fortune to
receive benefits and not be able to return them.

"But Alexander," said Darius, "whose kindness to my mother, my wife, and my children I hope the gods will recompense, will doubtless thank you for your humanity to me. Tell him,therefore, in token of my acknowledgment, I give him this right hand," with which words he took hold of Polystratus's hand and died.

When Alexander came up to them, he showed manifest tokens of sorrow, and taking off his own cloak, threw it upon the body to cover it. And some time afterwards, when Bessus was taken, he ordered him to be torn in pieces in this manner. They fastened him to a couple of trees which were bound down so as to meet, and then being let loose, with a great force returned to gheir places, each of them carrying that part of the body along with it that was tied to it. Darius's body was laid in state, and sent to his mother with pomp suitable to his quality. Alexander received Darius' brother Exathres into the number of his intimate friends.
Plutarch gives little detail of Darius' actual death. He seems to use the episode mostly to highlight Alexander's magnanimity towards his soldiers, Darius, and the family of Darius. Plutarch doesn't mention Nabarzanes or Barsentes at all. We know Barsentes was later put to death by Alexander for the murder of Darius. So, I'm not sure Plutarch is really contradicting Arrian here. He can’t be used to disprove Nabarzanes' direct participation in Darius’ murder, unless I missed other relevant things during my quick scan. :)

Saying that, I can be sold on the Homeric thing sometimes. Just not this particular example.
Interesting (and thoughtful; kudos!) point you raise about his contemporaries' opinion, Semiramis. It obviously wasn't a flattering one where many vocal individuals and entities are concerned... but then again theirs weren't very parallel mindsets, were they?
True… Ancient Greeks or any other people assigned together to form a group - ancient or modern - were hardly a monolith when it came to their opinions.
Though centuries removed from Achilles, Alexander and his friends operated in an environment very much like what Homer describes--where passions often intersected with politics, and hard-fighting aristocrats (sometimes with lauded lineage) who led from the front and got into just as much trouble as any contemporary of Odysseus', Diomedes', etc.

To the proper, well-read, and (at least would-be) insightful southern Hellenes, Alexander and most of his cohorts would have come off as a bunch of backwater, cattle-hustling, polygamous, incestuous, perverse bandit-warriors. Any comparison of Phillip, his son, or their companions with "that peerless runner", the warrior who was as elegant with the harp as he was deadly with a spear, would have evoked a cynical laugh.
Well put. Made me laugh. :lol:
Of course, just as they weren't so fair and objective with their critiques of Phillip, those same southern Hellenes would have ignored the many parallels between Achilles and his supposed descendant... The former, like the latter, was also the product of estranged parents from a strained marriage.
Yes, it does seem that Phillip's domestic troubles were infamous even outside of Macedonia. A little while ago I read a great book called Carney's "Woman and Monarchy in Macedonia". She paints a picture where Macedonian royal polygamy essentially set up a competition between father and son (and of course with any brothers or half-brothers). The mother's status however, depended on the status of her most powerful son, so perhaps it was natural that Alexander would be close to Olympias. Carney proposes the idea that personal feelings of jealousy etc. did not have to be involved as motives in Olympias' anger at Phillip’s marriage with Euridike. The marriage and the birth of Euridike's son resulted in a loss of status for Olympias and posed a danger to Alexander's succession to the throne. Carney also proposes that Greek and Roman writers misunderstood women's role in Macedonian politics. It’s her view that, unlike in Greece or Rome, female participation in Macedonian royal politics quite "normal". If you were a royal woman of course. ;)
Achilles would not have much more than an impervious Ajax had it not been for Chiron; similarly it's difficult to envision Alexander as much more than a younger Phillip without Aristotle.


Don't you get the feeling that Alexander often chose to ignore Aristotle's advice on how to treat the barbarians? At least when it came to the Persian elite, he tried plenty of tricks to keep them happy and make them part of his entourage rather than "slaves".
Finally, and maybe more importantly, Achilles, for all his celebrated virtues (at least in the 4th century BCE Hellene mind), was a ruthless, even merciless, warrior who killed, mutilated, desecrated, even raped (IIRC), and put the lives of tens of thousands of his comrades in jeopardy for the sake of his pride and vanity.
True! Achilles was ‘sacker of cities’ not ‘civilizer of man’.
No, I don't believe that we would be able to trust the judgement of such men over Alexander. ;)

P.
I think Amyntoros put it best in the post after yours. We can’t trust anyone’s judgement but our own. Why do we need to judge him at all? Well, it’s pretty difficult to answer the question on this thread without going into that territory. :)

Take care
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Paralus
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Post by Paralus »

karen wrote:An act born out of frustration can well be impulsive. Dare I say it, Paralus, we're agreeing.
Why would you dare to say it? There appears some perception that we must disagree.

It ain't necessarily so!

Indeed we do agree that he regretted it. We agree that the act was likely due to frustration. The disagreement is the excusatory tale of the courtisan and the alcohol. I believe he well knew what he was doing and, in a cooler moment some six years later, regretted the act of retaliation (for want of a better word).
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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Phoebus
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Post by Phoebus »

Semiramis wrote:Phoebus, Great post! I could almost visualize the picture you paint of Macedonia.
I love the setting and the images it evokes. I don't necessarily approve of everything that went on there, but, for all of things the Macedonians got up to, it strikes me that here was a place that truly bridged the archaic and "modern" (of that time) Hellenic worlds. Of course, that's likely little more than a mirage, but... whatever. :wink:
Plutarch gives little detail of Darius' actual death. He seems to use the episode mostly to highlight Alexander's magnanimity towards his soldiers, Darius, and the family of Darius. Plutarch doesn't mention Nabarzanes or Barsentes at all. We know Barsentes was later put to death by Alexander for the murder of Darius. So, I'm not sure Plutarch is really contradicting Arrian here. He can’t be used to disprove Nabarzanes' direct participation in Darius’ murder, unless I missed other relevant things during my quick scan. :)
If you hadn't posted this, I wouldn't have realized what a brain fart I just demonstrated. I had gone through Diodorus and Plutarch, which are two common enough sources that anyone can find online. Having found no real success, I looked up Nabarzanes directly, and through a classical dictionary found Curtius' description, which was summarized in my earlier post.

How I got Plutarch I have no idea. I was probably going through some of his Lives for the heck of it and the name was stuck to my head. :oops:
Saying that, I can be sold on the Homeric thing sometimes. Just not this particular example.
I will fully admit that, when two sources contradict each other, I will lean toward the one more favorable to Alexander. I have little doubt that, had Alexander actually caught up to Dareius, there's little chance the ultimate outcome would have been different. Having said that, though, and as hypocritical as WE might find it, I don't find it at all hard to believe that Alexander was nonetheless genuinely outraged by Dareius' end. I wonder if his rage had anything to do with recognizing in Dareius' plight the same sort of treachery that brought his own father down.
Don't you get the feeling that Alexander often chose to ignore Aristotle's advice on how to treat the barbarians?
I was thinking less of Aristotle's views on non-Hellenes, I guess, and more about the well-rounded education and "higher thinking" that Alexander would have received. Kind of like the parallel to Achilles matching his martial training with music, poetry, etc.

Cheers,
P.
karen
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Post by karen »

The disagreement is the excusatory tale of the courtisan and the alcohol.
The disagreement, you mean, is based on your assumption that I consider the courtesan and the alcohol excusatory ;)

As I had a character say in one of my books, "The dead are no less dead for the killer having been drunk..."
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