Hypocrisy

Discuss the culture of Alexander's world and his image in art

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amyntoros
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Post by amyntoros »

Efstathios wrote:Amyntoros: Rogers is to my point of view more objective, and that's what i am saying. Because he writes
These numbers probably were enlarged to enhance Alexander’s subsequent glory, but there are indications that Darius did indeed assemble a very large army … Whatever the exact numbers, Alexander’s army clearly was outnumbered, perhaps by a very wide margin, and this time the Persians would be led by the Great King himself.
So he leaves the probability the the Persian army was indeed a much bigger army than Alexander's. Maybe not 600.000 as he says, but a big army. I have no disagreement with that. As we have discussed some time ago this subject, a big army could also be 300.000 people compairing to Alexander's 45.000. But figures that are given by some writters such as 100.000 Persian army, are way too low. This is the Persian Empire that we are talking about. The Greeks managed to assemble a big force in Plataies, like 100.000, or maybe less, but still a big force, and Darius couldnt gather thrice that much?
And Rogers in most occassions avoids to write numbers. He only says that Darius' army clearly outnumbered Alexander's army by a large margin.
I probably shouldn't play the numbers game again, especially after others have moved to other matters, but … :wink:

Much depends on what you consider a "wide margin". Frankly, in ancient warfare I would consider being outnumbered 2 to 1 to be a considerable enough margin, thus making 100,000 Persians not unreasonable, although I would consider a slightly larger figure possible as well. However, and I’ve said this before, when trying to decide on Persian numbers consideration ought to be given not to how large an army Darius and the Persian nation could field, but to what happened to all the Persians AFTER the battle. At the battle of Issus Arrian gives the number of fallen Persians as 100,000, which may include the wounded. If we accept anything near his figures it would mean that 500,000 Persians got away, yet Arrian tells us Darius escaped with only 4,000 (!) men whilst 8,000 mercenaries made it to Tipolis. Are we then to believe that the other 488,000 men of the Persian army made it safely away from the battle, the majority of them on foot? And this presumably during the time that Alexander was pursuing Darius, otherwise he would have "met" them on his return to the battlefield. Where on earth did this massive army go? No matter how you may juggle these numbers they don't work. If you were to suggest that another 100,000 or more were wounded, this would mean that the rest escaped or else Alexander had to care for (imprison?) more than eight times as many men as were in his entire force.

My comments still apply if/when you drastically reduce the original numbers (or accept Plutarch and Curtius figures of 400,000) even if you continue to accept Arrian's figures for the fallen. You suggest 300,000 Persians at the start of the battle, but this would mean we'd need to account for a remainder of 200,000 (who were still loyal to Darius) and supposedly fled to "somewhere" whilst Alexander was off pursuing the king. This just doesn't work for me.
Efstathios wrote:Anyway, about the old Greek Macedonian rival: This is again the famous paragraph that Rogers simply dictates. I dont know if he can read ancient Greek good, or if he even read the original in order to write the book, or just the English translation. But it is an example as to how much these kind of mistranslations are widespread among scholars without them knowing that the translation isnt actually accurate. I wouldnt expect from every foreign scholar to sit and read the texts in the original ancient Greek. Because they just trust the English translations, and that's normal. But the translations are not accurate.
I do believe that the ancient Greek language is compulsory for anyone taking a PhD in ancient Greek studies, so all the academics who write on Alexander should know the language and this, in fact, is apparent in most scholarly articles. Not all of them may work from the Greek when they're writing a book, but I was reliably informed (by Jeanne Reames in her online LJ) that some of them do. Andrew Stewart, for instance, did all his own translations in his Faces of Power. And our own Andrew Chugg works from Greek and Latin sources! However, if a scholar should choose to work mostly from published translations when writing his book - well the Loeb editions are considered to be most reliable and the Greek is available on the facing page for a writer to check anyway. This means, in essence, I'm inclined to trust the translations given by academics more than I am a modern Greek-speaking hobbyist. (No offense meant – I consider myself a hobbyist also.) And argue as you might, the ancient Greek language does differ from the modern one. If you were to try to tell me they are same I would ask you why it is that the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki , for example, has required courses for graduate students in both Ancient Greek and Modern Greek? Sorry, Efstathios, but I don't buy into your "translation error" arguments because being a native Greek doesn't qualify you as an expert on the ancient language.

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Post by Efstathios »

And argue as you might, the ancient Greek language does differ from the modern one. If you were to try to tell me they are same I would ask you why it is that the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki , for example, has required courses for graduate students in both Ancient Greek and Modern Greek? Sorry, Efstathios, but I don't buy into your "translation error" arguments because being a native Greek doesn't qualify you as an expert on the ancient language.
Yes, the ancient surely differ from modern Greek. And a Greek that is not familliar with the language at all, wont be able to understand all phrases. But most people, can understand a large part. Why is that? Because ancient Greek has many words that are the same with modern greek, or similar and you can instantly know which word it is. And because ancient Greek is taught at schools as a primary lesson. And because up until 1977 the official language was the "katharevousa" which has many elements that come from ancient Greek. Thus there is a continuation. I cannot explain it further because i cannot find good examples.

Phrases one wouldnt understand would be maybe phrases that contain, like as we say in classical literature English "thy" as "your", which are two different words, and are not used today. But there are words that are like "liberation" (in fench)= liberation, that just have a different pronouncing. Any English speaking person could understand this word.

The specific paragraph from Arrian is an easy one.

Ι will put the sentence here in ancient Greek, or the whole paragraph if you'd like, and then go through it step by step. Anyone that knows ancient Greek, as Andrew Chugg, or people that you know, may also translate, or make suggestions. I will put the sentence with latin characters as well, for those that dont have Greek fonts.

"ταύτῃ ἐμβάλλουσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἧ μάλιστα διεσπασμένην αὐτοῖς τὴν φάλαγγα κατεῖδον. καὶ τὸ ἔργον ἐνταῦθα καρτερὸν ἦν, τῶν μὲν ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἀπώσασθαι τοὺς Μακεδόνας καὶ τὴν νίκην τοῖς ἤδη φεύγουσι σφῶν ἀνασώσασθαι, τῶν Μακεδόνων δὲ τῆς τε Ἀλεξάνδρου ἤδη φαινομένης εὐπραγίας μὴ λειφθῆναι καὶ τὴν δόξαν τῆς φάλαγγος, ὡς ἀμάχου δὴ ἐς τὸ τότε διαβεβοημένης, μὴ ἀφανίσαι. καί τι καὶ τοῖς γένεσι τῷ τε Ἑλληνικῷ καὶ τῷ Μακεδονικῷ φιλοτιμίας ἐνέπεσεν ἐς ἀλλήλους. καὶ ἐνταῦθα πίπτει Πτολεμαῖός τε ὁ Σελεύκου, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς γενόμενος, καὶ ἄλλοι ἐς εἴκοσι μάλιστα καὶ ἑκατὸν τῶν οὐκ ἠμελημένων Μακεδόνων."

The part in bold is the essential part. And it says: "καί τι καὶ τοῖς γένεσι τῷ τε Ἑλληνικῷ καὶ τῷ Μακεδονικῷ φιλοτιμίας ἐνέπεσεν ἐς ἀλλήλους"

(latin fonts): "kai ti kai tois genesi to te Elliniko kai to Makedoniko filotimias enepesen es allilous."

Translation step by step:

καί (kai)= and.
τοῖς γένεσι (tis genesi)= the genus (the born)
τῷ τε Ἑλληνικῷ καὶ τῷ Μακεδονικῷ (to te Elliniko kai to Makedoniko)= the Greek and the Macedonian
φιλοτιμίας (filotimias)= conscientiousness, dutyfulness
ἐνέπεσεν (enepesen)= dived in (as in "i dive in to work), or "came" (as in "and then came dutifulness")
ἐς ἀλλήλους (es allilous)= to one and the other

So, the accurate translation is:
"And to the born of the Greeks and the Macedonians dutifulness came to one and the other.

That is connected with what is said above, about the Greeks that while seeing the Persians flee were trying to save the day for the Persian King, and the Macedonians while seeing Alexander's victory and not wanting to ruin the fame of the Phallanx which was undefeated, both fought fiercely.

Any comments are welcome, and if you like we can translate the whole paragraph.
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Post by amyntoros »

Efstathios wrote:[So, the accurate translation is:
"And to the born of the Greeks and the Macedonians dutifulness came to one and the other.

That is connected with what is said above, about the Greeks that while seeing the Persians flee were trying to save the day for the Persian King, and the Macedonians while seeing Alexander's victory and not wanting to ruin the fame of the Phallanx which was undefeated, both fought fiercely.
The translation as you gave it does not “flow” in English which is why literal word-for-word translations are not used in publications. However, if each side is dutiful or conscientious to their own cause it means that there is rivalry between them! If I was to use your sentence in a similar context, say about two NYC street gangs, it would read, “And to the Crips and Bloods dutifulness came to one and the other,” but no one would say it this way in English. We would, however, say that “There was rivalry between the Crips and Bloods” and the meaning would be the same.

As for the nuances of ancient Greek, I really shouldn’t get involved, but I did search the Perseus lexicon base and found scores of words which include the word rivalry in their definition - including “φιλοτιμίας” which can be found here. So you see, it just isn’t possible to claim that for a single word in one language there can be only one or two corresponding words in another, or that there is only one simple meaning. Much depends on the context in which a word is used. See below for an English thesaurus entry for “duty” and you may understand my point.
Duty.
[Antonyms: dereliction of duty.]
[Nouns] duty, what ought to be done, moral obligation, accountableness, liability, onus, responsibility; bounden duty, imperative duty; call, call of duty; accountability.
allegiance, fealty, tie engagement (promise) [more]; part; function, calling (business) [more].
morality, morals, decalogue; case of conscience; conscientiousness (probity) [more]; conscience, inward monitor, still small voice within, sense of duty, tender conscience; the hell within.
dueness [more]; propriety, fitness, seemliness, amenability, decorum; the thing, the proper thing; the right thing to do, the proper thing to do.
[Science of morals] ethics, ethology.; deontology, aretology; moral philosophy, ethical philosophy; casuistry, polity.
observance, fulfillment, discharge, performance, acquittal, satisfaction, redemption; good behavior.
[Verbs] be the duty of; be incumbent on, be responsible; behoove, become, befit, beseem; belong to, pertain to; fall to one's lot; devolve on; lie upon, lie on one's head, lie at one's door; rest with, rest on the shoulders of. take upon oneself (promise) [more]; be bound to, become bound to, be sponsor for, become sponsor for; incur a responsibility n.; be under an obligation, stand under an obligation, lie under an obligation; have to answer for, owe to it oneself.
impose a duty; enjoin, require, exact; bind, bind over; saddle with, prescribe, assign, call upon, look to, oblige.
enter upon a duty, perform a duty, observe a duty, fulfill a duty, discharge a duty, adhere to a duty, acquit oneself of a duty, satisfy a duty, enter upon an obligation, perform an obligation, observe an obligation, fulfill an obligation, discharge an obligation, adhere to an obligation, acquit oneself of an obligation, satisfy an obligation; act one's part, redeem one's pledge, do justice to, be at one's post; do duty; do one's duty (be virtuous) [more].
be on one's good behavior, mind one's P's and Q's.
[Adjectives] obligatory, binding; imperative, peremptory; stringent (severe) [more]; behooving; incumbent on, chargeable on; under obligation; obliged by, bound by, tied by; saddled with.
due to, beholden to, bound to, indebted to; tied down; compromised (promised) [more]; in duty bound.
amenable, liable, accountable, responsible, answerable.
right, meet (due) [more]; moral, ethical, casuistical, conscientious, ethological.
[Adverbs] with a safe conscience, as in duty, bound, on one's own responsibility, at one's own risk, suo periculo; in foro conscientiae; quamdiu se bene gesserit
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Post by marcus »

With the greatest of respect - and I have to commend Efstathios for sticking to his guns on this matter, over a number of threads over the years - Stathi is the only person I have ever come across who believes that the "standard" translation, made by every translator I have ever read, is wrong. I have never heard of any academic, Greek or otherwise, who has a problem with the translation as it stands.

Stathi - do you think you might be pushing this one a bit? :wink:

Poor Stathi - you seem to be beset from all angles on a couple of issues at the moment. You do know it isn't personal, don't you? :cry:

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Post by Efstathios »

Yes, i Know.

Rivalry, and "old ethik rivalry" have a huge difference. The one indeed can be used for "filotimia" to the both sides, but the other does not in any circumstance come from this text, as it speaks about "old ethnik". It indicates a rivalry between Greeks and Macedonians that goes very back to the past, and it indicates different nations, and in ancient Greece there were no nations. That's why Arrian says "born". This little addition does not come from the text.

As to why these 3 words are the same in all of the translations as you say, it beats me, but isnt this a little bit strange?
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Post by Phoebus »

Paralus wrote:Indeed, Alexander's "prayer" for brotherhood, democracy for the oikoumene all over, et al is ahistorical.
Then again, he did have his own aims and plans that do fulfill some of the above in a darker sense. "Brotherhood" via common military service, population transplanting and establishment of new cities? That seems to have been something Alexander was shooting for.
What puerile rubbsih. If - and I mean if - Memnon's opinion was actually sought, it will have been one of many lower class opinions. Memnon was no more than a leader of a Greek mercenary force raised from the area in which he held his estates. He was no Persian general or satrap.
And yet he was appointed commander of the Persian forces in the region after Granicus? Nevermind that his tactical advice made perfect sense given Alexander's economic realities.
In a pig's eye. That's about the same as the US hiring Uzbekistani mercenaries and making them commanders of the invasion of Iraq. Get real.
That was an apples and oranges comparison--nothing more. One the one hand you have the assertion that Uzbek military officers undergo the same years of institutionalized higher education at war colleges and posses the same level of experience and knowledge in the most advanced weapons and equipment the world has seen. On the other, we have mercenary officers operating in a region that is hardly homogeneous when it comes to warfighting tradition, but that enjoys comparable technology and a great deal of interaction between nations and cultures.

Seriously, come on.
Why, if Greeks are so important to victory, are they always depicted as 10,000 or 20,000 out of 250,000? Bit like a nip of vodka and a gallon of soda
I don't know; the realities of comparative population sizes and the availability of mercenary hoplites as opposed to the various states that could be levied from?
Efstathios wrote:Of course Alexander was close to defeat, because he was fighting against a much more bigger army. But his tactics and the training and devotion of his army in keeping the lines, was what won the battle. Plus the fact of course that Alexander went straight for Darius.
I'm sorry, but this is somewhat of a generalization.

Of course Alexander's army was superbly trained. But to say that the Persian army was untrained? No way. Alexander showed exactly what he thought of the Persian military when he enrolled thousands of their cavalry--to include many of their subject contingents.

Some, like Robin Lane Fox, have even posited that significant numbers of Persian infantry was enrolled as well--probably with minimal changes to their arms and tactical disposition, if you ask me.
The only thing that could match the Greek mercenaries was the Persian cavalry, which was a problem to Alexander, but due to his superior tactics in gaugamela he avoided this.
I'm sorry, but I find it highly unlikely that Alexander could have taken on over 30,000 Persian cavalrymen with the tactics that the ancients claim he used.

Alexander used screening forces in defensive arrays to prevent the double envelopment of the Persian cavalry. Their cavalry portion would have been outnumbered almost 8 to 1 and in open ground. When one includes the infantry portion, the entirety of the Macedonian left and right wing screening forces would have barely ensured numerical parity with just the Persian cavalry.
jasonxx wrote:As with persians using Archers at Thermopalai. I dont understand why darius wouldnt have had a more prevelent roll for them at Gaugamela. Which Is why I believe they were not there or maybe not used. Am I alone inthinking Archers would have been the only realistis tool to use against Primariyl Alexanders Charge and the Phalanx with small shields.
I really hate it when the size of Macedonian shields comes up. They weren't small shields; they were 2-foot diameter shields. I'm almost 5'9"--probably taller than most ancient Macedonians, I think. A 2-foot diameter shield covers me from chin to crotch and shoulder tip to shoulder tip. A shorter person would have enjoyed even better cover.
smittysmitty wrote:Xenephon's Anabasis, in typical style for the period attempts to present the Greek hoplite as some sort of magnificent breed of soldier - but essentially the story is about a retreating group of mercenaries that got up to very little in the Persian world. The emphasis is on trying to get back home.
Actually, unless we call Xenophon an out-and-out liar, his story is one wherein his element emerged victorious, whole, and in good order from a battle where the rest of the army lost and was routed.
Whilst the Mycenaean's did employ text, it would appear the use of writing disappeared for a few hundred years and re-invented itself some time in the eighth century BCE. I won't hurt your feelings by saying - we don't know if the Greeks and the Mycenaean's were one in the same people.
If they weren't Hellenic people, who were? There were only so many migrations post-Mycenae--and they cannot have accounted for either the whole of the population known later on or for a massive linguistic conversion.

Oh, a little post-note regarding translations and accepted usage of words: does it really need to be mentioned that the "accepted" usage of things, or view of things, often comes courtesy of a limited number of individuals--whose teachings become the accepted curicullum? Just a thought--I'm not one to claim that every little thing we learned in our history courses should be questioned. ;)
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Post by Paralus »

Phoebus wrote:
What puerile rubbsih. If - and I mean if - Memnon's opinion was actually sought, it will have been one of many lower class opinions. Memnon was no more than a leader of a Greek mercenary force raised from the area in which he held his estates. He was no Persian general or satrap.
And yet he was appointed commander of the Persian forces in the region after Granicus? Nevermind that his tactical advice made perfect sense given Alexander's economic realities.
No, he was not. Not "after" Granicus and, in reality, not ever at all.

The surviving statraps of the Granicus, Artizyes and Arsames (Aristes having committed suicide) fell back on Phrygia and eventually to Darius. After Sardes fell, Darius began the process of taking the field himself and raising a royal army. After Sardes, whilst engaged in that process, Darius appointed Memnon to the "command of Lower Asia and the whole fleet" (Diod. 17.23.5-6; Arr 1.20.3 & 11.1.1)

Both of these authors make exceedingly plain what this means:
For Dareius straightway sent letters to those who dwelt next the sea, directing them one and all to take orders from Memnon. (DIod 17.23.6)

...Memnon, whomDarius had made supreme commander of Persian navy and responsible for the defence of the whole Asiatic coast (Arr. 11.1.1)
Your rather nebulous term "the region" belies a sorry confusion of "lower Asia" (that is the coastal cities) with Asia. "The region" was, in fact, the navy and those coastal cities not yet under the Macedonian invader's sway.

Nor did this occurr in the aftermath of the Granicus - as you imply - but, rather, later after Sardes had fallen and eastern Asia Minor was effectively lost to the Great King.

I do not have time to address the other points you raise as I'm off to the office. I will do so later.
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Post by smittysmitty »

Good to see the forum back on line, well done Thomas. A warm welcome to Phoebus :D

Phoebus wrote: Actually, unless we call Xenophon an out-and-out liar, his story is one wherein his element emerged victorious, whole, and in good order from a battle where the rest of the army lost and was routed.
I don't know about an out-and-out liar; perhaps colourful is more appropriate! what do you think? His element emerged victorious. In what sense? That they managed to get home in tact - yeah I guess that may be considered victorious by some. A glorious retreat of sorts?

If they weren't Hellenic people, who were? There were only so many migrations post-Mycenae--and they cannot have accounted for either the whole of the population known later on or for a massive linguistic conversion.
I'm not sure who they were, but Mycenaean would be a good starting point.

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Post by athenas owl »

If they weren't Hellenic people, who were? There were only so many migrations post-Mycenae--and they cannot have accounted for either the whole of the population known later on or for a massive linguistic conversion.
Not getting into the were they/weren't they thing, but language conversion doesn't require the peoples to be replaced. I am thinking of "Anglo-Saxon" England here. Genetically, the original peoples were not wiped out, the blood of the Britons still flows strongly through their veins, but different dialects of English conquered the land. I'm thinking of that descendent of "Cheddar Man" still in the same village after nearly 10,000 years.

The same could be said for France and Spain. The Visigoths were not numerically large, the Franks (I can't remeber now), etc....the original (well not THE original, the Basques have held close to their old language)peoples are still there and yet they speak languages that are descendents of Latin.

Now I'm a little sketchy on the details anymore and feel free to correct me anyone, it's been awhile. Genetics weren't even in the picture when I got my degree and I don't keep up that much.
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Post by Efstathios »

I'm not sure who they were, but Mycenaean would be a good starting point.
And Athenians were Athenians. But Hellenes. So what is your point?
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Post by smittysmitty »

Efstathios wrote:
And Athenians were Athenians. But Hellenes. So what is your point?
bahh!, had written a response but deleted it. Yes! you are right -how silly of me.

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Post by Phoebus »

Paralus wrote:The surviving statraps of the Granicus, Artizyes and Arsames (Aristes having committed suicide) fell back on Phrygia and eventually to Darius. ... After Sardes, whilst engaged in that process, Darius appointed Memnon to the "command of Lower Asia and the whole fleet" (Diod. 17.23.5-6; Arr 1.20.3 & 11.1.1)
...
Your rather nebulous term "the region" belies a sorry confusion of "lower Asia" (that is the coastal cities) with Asia. "The region" was, in fact, the navy and those coastal cities not yet under the Macedonian invader's sway.
I'm sorry, but are we really going to split straws over something like this? Was it not plainly obvious that any reference to region extended to those portions that still were under Persian control?
Nor did this occurr in the aftermath of the Granicus - as you imply - but, rather, later after Sardes had fallen and eastern Asia Minor was effectively lost to the Great King.
I said after Granicus. The appointment came after Granicus. I didn't imply anything. If you think I did so, please ask.

The primary reason for my citing Granicus was purely due to the convenient timeline of the events. Granicus was fought (as I'm sure you know) in May of 334 at the earliest. By the time Alexander was besieging Halicarnassus on the autumn of that same year, Memnon had already been invested with his command. Hence, my choice of words.

Do I feel that Granicus was a more driving force behind Dareius' decision that Sardis? Yes, I do. There was no solid reason for Dareius to think that there was a chance for Sardis to be saved after Granicus. There was no army capable of meeting Alexander in the field or of preventing a siege of the city. So I'm not sure that Dareius' decision was a case of "Sardis TOO? Damn! Get me Memnon!"

This is all conjecture on my part, but I pondered on the locale of Granicus and Sardis and their distance from Dareius' location during Alexander's initial invasion. I will confess an ignorance on this matter--was Dareius at Babylon during this time? If so, that would place him something around 1,000 miles away from the events at hand. Given that he would have known of the differences of opinion between his Satraps and Memnon, and given the amount of time it would take for messengers to make the trip between the southern-southwestern fringes of Anatolia, I wonder how long it took for Dareius to make his decision regarding his regional chain of command. I know of the time of the siege of Halicarnassus only in terms of rough estimates--"Autumn", in this case. Given the timing of Granicus (May/June), there would only have been enough time for so many messages to go back and forth.

Again, I'm not trying to convince you of anything, per se... I'm merely illustrating the thinking process behind my post.
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Post by Phoebus »

smittysmitty wrote:A warm welcome to Phoebus :D
Thanks; it's good to be here. :)
I don't know about an out-and-out liar; perhaps colourful is more appropriate! what do you think? His element emerged victorious. In what sense? That they managed to get home in tact - yeah I guess that may be considered victorious by some. A glorious retreat of sorts?
Well, I guess I was referring more to the performance he claimed his men put forth in the decisive battle prior to their famed retreat. Having said that, it wasn't my intent to overshadow the fact that the majority of the story is exactly about the retreat--as you pointed out.
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Post by Paralus »

Phoebus wrote:
Paralus wrote:The surviving statraps of the Granicus, Artizyes and Arsames (Aristes having committed suicide) fell back on Phrygia and eventually to Darius. ... After Sardes, whilst engaged in that process, Darius appointed Memnon to the "command of Lower Asia and the whole fleet" (Diod. 17.23.5-6; Arr 1.20.3 & 11.1.1)
...
Your rather nebulous term "the region" belies a sorry confusion of "lower Asia" (that is the coastal cities) with Asia. "The region" was, in fact, the navy and those coastal cities not yet under the Macedonian invader's sway.
I'm sorry, but are we really going to split straws over something like this? Was it not plainly obvious that any reference to region extended to those portions that still were under Persian control?.
You offered the hair for the kopis...

What was “plainly obvious” was your assertion that Memnon was appointed “commander of the Persian forces in the region after Granicus”. What you state seems plain enough. Again, there was “no region”.

The Great King is likely in Ecbatana and in control of the strategy that saw Granicus fought and any scorched earth tactic refused – Persians had used this in the past. That a Persian force was defeated in Asia Minor was not new; that a foreign force would besiege the walls of Sardes was nothing new but that Sardes would fall and the whole of eastern Asia Minor as well (several coastal cities aside) was not something faced since Cyrus the Younger’s anabasis. Darius had every reason to expect – as it had before – Sardes to prove inviolate whilst he set about assembling a royal army to deal with the invader.

By the time Memnon had received his naval commission – including defending the coastal cities – he was likely at Halicarnassus, in the face of Alexander’s relentless march, with what remained of the Persian forces that had not fallen back to Darius. And it was in no way the melodramatic decision that “Sardis TOO? Damn! Get me Memnon!” would imply. It was more likely part of a strategy, the aim of which was, for the Persian navy – in command of the sea – regain the Asia Minor coast and the Hellespont whilst the Great King prepared land forces.

Thus resistance was to settle around the navy and its coastal activity as well as Sardes holding out. Focal points for a resistance that did indeed fester after Issus.
Paralus
Ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας, ὦ κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοὺς μετὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὰ ὅλα κατειργασμένους;
Wicked men, you sin against your fathers, who conquered the whole world under Philip and Alexander.

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Phoebus
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Post by Phoebus »

Paralus wrote:What was “plainly obvious” was your assertion that Memnon was appointed “commander of the Persian forces in the region after Granicus”. What you state seems plain enough. Again, there was “no region”.
No offense but, again, I can't help but feel that you're simply splitting hairs.
The Great King is likely in Ecbatana and in control of the strategy that saw Granicus fought and any scorched earth tactic refused – Persians had used this in the past.
I feel even more comfortable about my theory, then. If Granicus was fought in early June and the siege of Halicarnassus began in August, just how long did the Great King have to make his decision to grant Memnon command? Given the time that would be required to receive news from the far western reaches of his empire, I mean.

More importantly, Dareius would have known the size and disposition of his forces in Asia Minor. His army routed, I wonder if he would have really had reason to wait until Sardes to do what he did with regards to Memnon. I question if, having known of the result of Granicus, Dareius had any reason to think Sardes would have held out.

Cheers,
P.
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